{"title":"“某些基本真理”:仇恨言论案件中消极与积极自由的辩证法","authors":"W. Wendel","doi":"10.2307/1192238","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"I INTRODUTION The following conversation between a civil libertarian and a new-left First Amendment theorist occurred as part of the ABA's conference on the present and future of the Bill of Rights. The discussion was precipitated by the case of Matthew Hale, a white supremacist who--to put it mildly--likes to attract media attention. He set himself up as the leader of a racist \"church\" called the World Church of the Creator, and immediately went about attempting to put an articulate, polite face on the organization, much in the way that David Duke tried to appear less threatening during his run for Congress in Louisiana. But there is only so much window-dressing that Hale can do, since he is obviously a rabid racist. His website contains numerous exhortations to \"racial loyalty\" and \"racial holy war\"; shopworn canards about blacks, Jews, and other ethnic minorities (called the \"mud races\" by Hale); a bizarre theology based on the \"Sixteen Commandments\" and vehement denunciations of Christianity; long-discredited bogus bio logical theories about racial differences; and a boilerplate disclaimer that the group does not condone violence. (1) Hale's little corner of cyberspace is representative of a burgeoning number of websites maintained by white supremacists and other hate groups. (2) The World Church of the Creator site alone contains links to dozens of other racist sites, (3) including those maintained by the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party, and the White Aryan Resistance. But Hale and his organization have certainly established a higher profile than other hate groups on the Internet, particularly with their efforts to market racism to children with a kids' website featuring white-supremacist games and puzzles--fun for the whole family! (4) Hale also happens to be a graduate of Southern Illinois University Law School. Because of the publicity he had managed to attract, Hale's application to become a licensed attorney in Illinois was a media event, and the decision of the character and fitness committee of the Illinois Supreme Court, declining to certify his fitness for admission, generated immediate controversy. (5) Alan Dershowitz offered to represent Hale in his challenge to this order, an offer which, as far as I know, was not taken up. (6) Hale petitioned for review by the Illinois Supreme Court. He was denied, (7) and he then petitioned for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, which he was again denied. (8) The Hale case is important not only to lawyers who represent unpopular applicants for admission to practice law. It has broader significance as a test case for much of the recent theorizing about the application of the First Amendment to hateful expression. Hale's application to practice law also provides a wonderful illustration of how the new left critique of the First Amendment would play out in practice, since the Illinois bar committee swallowed the new left position hook, line, and sinker. The committee emphasized the constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity that were threatened by Hale's asserted expressive liberties and concluded that the value of equality must supersede the value of free speech. (9) This is exactly what some of the new left critics had been urging courts to do in hate-speech cases. (10) For example, Man Matsuda, one of the pioneers of the critical race theory movement and the new left critique of the First Amendment, has suggested carving out an admittedly content-b ased, sui generis category of racist speech that can be regulated by the state. (11) Charles Lawrence, another scholar of central importance to the progressive critics, proposes a more realistic, less categorical jurisprudence, in which constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity are given pride of place alongside the expressive liberties secured by the First Amendment. (12) Again, this is precisely the suggestion adopted by the Illinois bar committee, which balanced the free-speech rights asserted by Hale against the equality interests his admission would threaten, and found Hale's claims wanting. …","PeriodicalId":39484,"journal":{"name":"Law and Contemporary Problems","volume":"55 1","pages":"33-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2002-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"4","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"“Certain Fundamental Truths”: A Dialectic on Negative and Positive Liberty in Hate-Speech Cases\",\"authors\":\"W. Wendel\",\"doi\":\"10.2307/1192238\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"I INTRODUTION The following conversation between a civil libertarian and a new-left First Amendment theorist occurred as part of the ABA's conference on the present and future of the Bill of Rights. The discussion was precipitated by the case of Matthew Hale, a white supremacist who--to put it mildly--likes to attract media attention. He set himself up as the leader of a racist \\\"church\\\" called the World Church of the Creator, and immediately went about attempting to put an articulate, polite face on the organization, much in the way that David Duke tried to appear less threatening during his run for Congress in Louisiana. But there is only so much window-dressing that Hale can do, since he is obviously a rabid racist. His website contains numerous exhortations to \\\"racial loyalty\\\" and \\\"racial holy war\\\"; shopworn canards about blacks, Jews, and other ethnic minorities (called the \\\"mud races\\\" by Hale); a bizarre theology based on the \\\"Sixteen Commandments\\\" and vehement denunciations of Christianity; long-discredited bogus bio logical theories about racial differences; and a boilerplate disclaimer that the group does not condone violence. (1) Hale's little corner of cyberspace is representative of a burgeoning number of websites maintained by white supremacists and other hate groups. (2) The World Church of the Creator site alone contains links to dozens of other racist sites, (3) including those maintained by the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party, and the White Aryan Resistance. But Hale and his organization have certainly established a higher profile than other hate groups on the Internet, particularly with their efforts to market racism to children with a kids' website featuring white-supremacist games and puzzles--fun for the whole family! (4) Hale also happens to be a graduate of Southern Illinois University Law School. Because of the publicity he had managed to attract, Hale's application to become a licensed attorney in Illinois was a media event, and the decision of the character and fitness committee of the Illinois Supreme Court, declining to certify his fitness for admission, generated immediate controversy. (5) Alan Dershowitz offered to represent Hale in his challenge to this order, an offer which, as far as I know, was not taken up. (6) Hale petitioned for review by the Illinois Supreme Court. He was denied, (7) and he then petitioned for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, which he was again denied. (8) The Hale case is important not only to lawyers who represent unpopular applicants for admission to practice law. It has broader significance as a test case for much of the recent theorizing about the application of the First Amendment to hateful expression. Hale's application to practice law also provides a wonderful illustration of how the new left critique of the First Amendment would play out in practice, since the Illinois bar committee swallowed the new left position hook, line, and sinker. The committee emphasized the constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity that were threatened by Hale's asserted expressive liberties and concluded that the value of equality must supersede the value of free speech. (9) This is exactly what some of the new left critics had been urging courts to do in hate-speech cases. (10) For example, Man Matsuda, one of the pioneers of the critical race theory movement and the new left critique of the First Amendment, has suggested carving out an admittedly content-b ased, sui generis category of racist speech that can be regulated by the state. (11) Charles Lawrence, another scholar of central importance to the progressive critics, proposes a more realistic, less categorical jurisprudence, in which constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity are given pride of place alongside the expressive liberties secured by the First Amendment. (12) Again, this is precisely the suggestion adopted by the Illinois bar committee, which balanced the free-speech rights asserted by Hale against the equality interests his admission would threaten, and found Hale's claims wanting. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":39484,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Law and Contemporary Problems\",\"volume\":\"55 1\",\"pages\":\"33-86\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2002-03-22\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"4\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Law and Contemporary Problems\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.2307/1192238\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"Social Sciences\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Law and Contemporary Problems","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1192238","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
摘要
以下是一位公民自由主义者和一位新左派第一修正案理论家之间的对话,这是美国律师协会关于《权利法案》的现在和未来的会议的一部分。这场讨论是由马修·黑尔(Matthew Hale)的案件引发的,他是一名白人至上主义者,说得委婉点,喜欢吸引媒体的关注。他自封为一个种族主义“教会”的领袖,这个“教会”名为“世界造物主教会”(World church of the Creator),他立即开始试图在这个组织中摆出一副能言善辩、彬彬有礼的面孔,就像大卫·杜克(David Duke)在路易斯安那州竞选国会议员时试图让自己显得不那么具有威胁性一样。但黑尔能做的粉饰也就这么多了,因为他显然是一个狂热的种族主义者。他的网站上有许多关于“种族忠诚”和“种族圣战”的劝告;关于黑人、犹太人和其他少数民族(黑尔称之为“泥巴种族”)的陈腐谣言;以“十六诫”为基础的怪异神学和对基督教的激烈谴责;关于种族差异的虚假生物学理论早已失信;还有一份照本宣科的免责声明,称该组织不容忍暴力。(1)黑尔的小角落,网络空间是代表迅速增多的白人优越主义者网站维护和其他仇视团体。(2)仅造物主世界教会网站就包含了数十个其他种族主义网站的链接,(3)包括3k党骑士、美国纳粹党和白人雅利安抵抗组织维护的网站。但黑尔和他的组织确实比其他仇恨组织在互联网上建立了更高的知名度,特别是他们努力向儿童推销种族主义,他们的儿童网站上有白人至上主义的游戏和谜题——全家都可以玩!黑尔碰巧也是南伊利诺伊大学法学院的毕业生。由于他成功地吸引了公众的注意,黑尔申请成为伊利诺斯州有执照的律师的申请成为了一个媒体事件,伊利诺斯州最高法院的性格和健康委员会的决定,拒绝证明他的健康,立即引起了争议。艾伦·德肖维茨提出代表黑尔向这个命令发起挑战,据我所知,这个提议没有被采纳。黑尔请求伊利诺斯州最高法院复审。他被拒绝了,(7)然后他向美国最高法院申请调卷,他又被拒绝了。(8)黑尔案不仅对那些代表不受欢迎的申请人申请执业律师的律师很重要。它具有更广泛的意义,是最近关于将《第一修正案》应用于仇恨表达的许多理论的一个测试案例。黑尔在法律实践中的应用也很好地说明了新左派对第一修正案的批评将如何在实践中发挥作用,因为伊利诺伊州律师委员会全盘接受了新左派的立场。委员会强调种族平等和人类尊严的宪法价值受到黑尔主张的表达自由的威胁,并得出结论,平等的价值必须取代言论自由的价值。(9)这正是一些新左派批评者一直敦促法院在仇恨言论案件中所做的。(10)例如,批评种族理论运动的先驱之一、新左派对宪法第一修正案的批判者松田曼(Man Matsuda)建议,应该划分出一种公认的基于内容的、自成一类的种族主义言论,这种言论可以由国家加以管制。(11)另一位对进步主义批评家至关重要的学者查尔斯·劳伦斯(Charles Lawrence)提出了一种更现实的、不那么绝对的法理学,在这种法理学中,种族平等和人类尊严的宪法价值与《第一修正案》所保障的表达自由同等重要。(12)同样,这正是伊利诺斯州律师委员会采纳的建议,该委员会在黑尔主张的言论自由权与他的承认将威胁到的平等利益之间进行了权衡,并发现黑尔的主张存在不足。…
“Certain Fundamental Truths”: A Dialectic on Negative and Positive Liberty in Hate-Speech Cases
I INTRODUTION The following conversation between a civil libertarian and a new-left First Amendment theorist occurred as part of the ABA's conference on the present and future of the Bill of Rights. The discussion was precipitated by the case of Matthew Hale, a white supremacist who--to put it mildly--likes to attract media attention. He set himself up as the leader of a racist "church" called the World Church of the Creator, and immediately went about attempting to put an articulate, polite face on the organization, much in the way that David Duke tried to appear less threatening during his run for Congress in Louisiana. But there is only so much window-dressing that Hale can do, since he is obviously a rabid racist. His website contains numerous exhortations to "racial loyalty" and "racial holy war"; shopworn canards about blacks, Jews, and other ethnic minorities (called the "mud races" by Hale); a bizarre theology based on the "Sixteen Commandments" and vehement denunciations of Christianity; long-discredited bogus bio logical theories about racial differences; and a boilerplate disclaimer that the group does not condone violence. (1) Hale's little corner of cyberspace is representative of a burgeoning number of websites maintained by white supremacists and other hate groups. (2) The World Church of the Creator site alone contains links to dozens of other racist sites, (3) including those maintained by the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party, and the White Aryan Resistance. But Hale and his organization have certainly established a higher profile than other hate groups on the Internet, particularly with their efforts to market racism to children with a kids' website featuring white-supremacist games and puzzles--fun for the whole family! (4) Hale also happens to be a graduate of Southern Illinois University Law School. Because of the publicity he had managed to attract, Hale's application to become a licensed attorney in Illinois was a media event, and the decision of the character and fitness committee of the Illinois Supreme Court, declining to certify his fitness for admission, generated immediate controversy. (5) Alan Dershowitz offered to represent Hale in his challenge to this order, an offer which, as far as I know, was not taken up. (6) Hale petitioned for review by the Illinois Supreme Court. He was denied, (7) and he then petitioned for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, which he was again denied. (8) The Hale case is important not only to lawyers who represent unpopular applicants for admission to practice law. It has broader significance as a test case for much of the recent theorizing about the application of the First Amendment to hateful expression. Hale's application to practice law also provides a wonderful illustration of how the new left critique of the First Amendment would play out in practice, since the Illinois bar committee swallowed the new left position hook, line, and sinker. The committee emphasized the constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity that were threatened by Hale's asserted expressive liberties and concluded that the value of equality must supersede the value of free speech. (9) This is exactly what some of the new left critics had been urging courts to do in hate-speech cases. (10) For example, Man Matsuda, one of the pioneers of the critical race theory movement and the new left critique of the First Amendment, has suggested carving out an admittedly content-b ased, sui generis category of racist speech that can be regulated by the state. (11) Charles Lawrence, another scholar of central importance to the progressive critics, proposes a more realistic, less categorical jurisprudence, in which constitutional values of racial equality and human dignity are given pride of place alongside the expressive liberties secured by the First Amendment. (12) Again, this is precisely the suggestion adopted by the Illinois bar committee, which balanced the free-speech rights asserted by Hale against the equality interests his admission would threaten, and found Hale's claims wanting. …
期刊介绍:
Law and Contemporary Problems was founded in 1933 and is the oldest journal published at Duke Law School. It is a quarterly, interdisciplinary, faculty-edited publication of Duke Law School. L&CP recognizes that many fields in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities can enhance the development and understanding of law. It is our purpose to seek out these areas of overlap and to publish balanced symposia that enlighten not just legal readers, but readers from these other disciplines as well. L&CP uses a symposium format, generally publishing one symposium per issue on a topic of contemporary concern. Authors and articles are selected to ensure that each issue collectively creates a unified presentation of the contemporary problem under consideration. L&CP hosts an annual conference at Duke Law School featuring the authors of one of the year’s four symposia.