跨专题:“印尼日益严重的宗教不容忍”

Leonard C. Sebastian, Alexander R. Arifianto
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More troubling, however, is the fact that these expressions of growing conservatism are often followed by acts of religious intolerance against minorities – from Muslim sects such as Ahmadi and Shi’a to Christians, Buddhists, and other religious minorities. The Setara Institute has documented a continuous rise in the number of incidents of religious freedom violations in Indonesia over the past few years – from 134 in 2014 and 196 in 2015, to 208 in 2016 (Lesthari 2017). The high frequency of these attacks and the inability of governments-both at national and local level-to stop such attacks and bring the perpetrators to justice have left a negative reputation for Indonesia both domestically and internationally. 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引用次数: 8

摘要

在过去的二十年里,印尼社会的伊斯兰保守主义有所增加。从越来越多的伊斯兰虔诚的表达开始——越来越多的穆斯林男子每天祈祷五次,越来越多的妇女戴着伊斯兰面纱(hijab)——这种趋势越来越多地用政治术语来表达。这种表达可以在数百项新的地方法规(perda)的通过中看到,这些法规要求居民遵循某些伊斯兰原则,也可以在公开抗议中看到,例如最近2016/17年的“捍卫伊斯兰教”(Aksi 212)抗议活动,该抗议活动成功地要求起诉前雅加达州长Basuki Tjahaja Purnama,据称他犯下了亵渎神明的行为。然而,更令人不安的事实是,在这些日益增长的保守主义的表达之后,往往伴随着对少数群体的宗教不容忍行为——从艾哈迈迪和什叶派等穆斯林教派到基督徒、佛教徒和其他宗教少数群体。Setara研究所记录了过去几年印尼侵犯宗教自由事件的数量持续上升——从2014年的134起和2015年的196起,到2016年的208起(Lesthari 2017)。这些袭击的高频率以及国家和地方政府在阻止此类袭击并将肇事者绳之以法方面的无能为力,给印尼在国内和国际上留下了负面的声誉。由于许多宗教不宽容的暴力事件(例如马鲁古和波索的穆斯林-基督教冲突)发生在改革初期(1998-2001),学者们倾向于将注意力集中在如何解释“大规模社区暴力”事件上,而不是“局部社区骚乱”,尽管规模较小,但这些对教堂和艾哈迈迪清真寺的袭击在这些冲突平息后很长时间内变得更加普遍和明显。Bertrand (2004), Sidel (2007), Van Klinken (2007), Duncan(2013)和Tajima(2014)的作品分析了这些较大的冲突,并就导致这些冲突的原因得出了不同的结论,这些结论丰富了关于种族冲突和政治暴力的文献,不仅在印度尼西亚,而且在全球范围内推广。然而,这些作品都没有涉及较小的、局部的社区骚乱,这些骚乱往往始于对宗教少数群体的排斥或不容忍行为。虽然最近有研究表明了日益伊斯兰化的历史和制度根源,以及它如何影响印度尼西亚国家和地方对宗教少数群体的宽容(例如Ricklefs 2007年和2012年;Menchik 2016;Buehler 2016),这些作品缺乏洞察力的结合,这些见解有助于拼凑出一个谜团,即为什么宗教不宽容行为在当代改革后的印度尼西亚变得普遍,即印度尼西亚社会的宏观社会学变化导致当代对宗教少数群体的不宽容行为,以及政治结构的微观层面变化为强硬派伊斯兰团体发起针对这些少数群体的不宽容行动提供机会。学术界对较小规模的宗教不容忍事件缺乏关注是社区暴力研究中的一个重大疏忽,我们也不了解为什么宗教不容忍事件持续增加,不仅在印度尼西亚,而且在其他穆斯林占多数的国家也是如此。我们还需要更好地了解导致特定社区内发生宗教不容忍的政治和社会文化机制(宏观和微观层面)是什么。值得注意的是,对于为什么宗教不容忍事件仍在继续,人们没有足够的理解
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TRaNS special section on “Growing Religious Intolerance in Indonesia”
Over the past two decades, Indonesian society has seen an increase in Islamic conservatism. Beginning with growing expressions of Islamic piety – more Muslim men praying five times a day and more women wearing the Islamic veil (hijab) – this trend is increasingly being expressed in political terms. Such expressions can be seen in the passage of hundreds of new local regulations (perda) that mandate residents to follow certain Islamic principles, and in public protests such as the recent ‘defending Islam’ (Aksi 212) protests of 2016/17 which successfully demanded the prosecution of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama for allegedly committing an act of blasphemy. More troubling, however, is the fact that these expressions of growing conservatism are often followed by acts of religious intolerance against minorities – from Muslim sects such as Ahmadi and Shi’a to Christians, Buddhists, and other religious minorities. The Setara Institute has documented a continuous rise in the number of incidents of religious freedom violations in Indonesia over the past few years – from 134 in 2014 and 196 in 2015, to 208 in 2016 (Lesthari 2017). The high frequency of these attacks and the inability of governments-both at national and local level-to stop such attacks and bring the perpetrators to justice have left a negative reputation for Indonesia both domestically and internationally. As much of the more violent incidents of religious intolerance (e.g. Muslim-Christian conflicts in Maluku and Poso) occurred during the early years of Reformasi (1998–2001), scholars tended to focus their attention on how to explain ‘large-scale communal violence’ incidences rather than ‘localized communal riots’ that while smaller inscale, these attacks on churches and Ahmadi mosques became more prevalent and pronounced long after these conflicts have subdued. Works by Bertrand (2004), Sidel (2007), Van Klinken (2007), Duncan (2013) and Tajima (2014) have analysed these larger conflicts and come with their different conclusions on what causes them that have enriched the literature on ethnic conflict and political violence, not just in Indonesia but also generalized globally. However, none of these works have dealt with smaller, localized communal riots that are often started with exclusionary or intolerant actions against religious minorities. While there is recent research that demonstrate the historical and institutional roots of growing Islamization and how it affects tolerance toward religious minorities in Indonesia both nationally and locally (e.g. Ricklefs 2007 and 2012; Menchik 2016; Buehler 2016), these works lack the combination of insights that help to put together a puzzle on why religious intolerant actions have become prevalent in contemporary post-Reformasi Indonesia, namely, macro-sociological changes in Indonesian society that result in contemporary intolerant actions against religious minorities, and the micro-level changes in the political structure that provides opportunities for hard-line Islamic groups to initiate intolerant actions against these minorities. The lack of scholarly attention to smaller-scale incidents of religious intolerance is a major omission in the study of communal violence, and we lack understanding of why incidents of religious intolerance continues to increase, not just in Indonesia, but also in other Muslim-majority countries elsewhere. We also need to understand better what are the political and socio-cultural mechanisms (both at the macro and micro-level) that lead to the occurrence of religious intolerance within a given community. Significantly, there is not enough understanding of why incidents of religious intolerance remains on
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: TRaNS approaches the study of Southeast Asia by looking at the region as a place that is defined by its diverse and rapidly-changing social context, and as a place that challenges scholars to move beyond conventional ideas of borders and boundedness. TRaNS invites studies of broadly defined trans-national, trans-regional and comparative perspectives. Case studies spanning more than two countries of Southeast Asia and its neighbouring countries/regions are particularly welcomed.
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