{"title":"分布式领导和微观政治","authors":"T. Bush","doi":"10.1177/17411432231156397","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The theories used to describe and explain educational leadership are subject to change as interests and priorities unfold. In the 21st century, distributed leadership has become increasingly fashionable as scholars, policy-makers and practitioners regard it as an appropriate way to lead and manage schools and other educational organisations. This model provides the potential for principals to share leadership, partly to reduce workloads and partly to empower and develop teachers. In the version of the model promulgated in the global north, distribution is seen as ‘emergent’, with principals nurturing a climate to encourage leadership initiatives that may arise anywhere in the organisation. A contrasting version, sometimes encouraged or mandated in centralised systems, is allocative distribution where tasks are given to teachers, notably senior and middle leaders, in a process often indistinguishable from delegation (Bush and Ng, 2019). Micropolitics, a model pioneered by Eric Hoyle (1982) in the 1980s, is based on the assumption that conflict is endemic in organisations, as participants seek to promote and defend their interests, both personal and professional. Interest groups arise, perhaps linked to subjects, and compete for supremacy within schools. Conflicts are usually resolved through the exercise of power and it is principals, of course, who usually have the most power in schools. This model has become much less prominent in the new millennium, perhaps because it is seen as unduly cynical in portraying staff in professional organisations as pursuing conflict rather than consensus. Mor Hodaya and Izhak Berkovich provide a rare contribution to distributed leadership theory by aligning it with micropolitics. They claim that distributed leadership largely adopts an apolitical outlook, with a limited focus on how it links with power. The authors adopted a multiple case-study design, with four Israeli secondary schools. Because they are generally larger and more complex than primary schools, they are ‘ideal sites’ for exploring distributed leadership. Their data indicate ‘imperfect’ distribution, noting that principals exerted control through ‘veto power’. They claim that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, for example, tends to promote distributed leadership. They conclude that policy makers wishing to promote distributed leadership should foster context-specific supportive conditions. Joan Andres Traver-Marti and her colleagues also focus on distributed leadership, in the context of Spanish inclusive schools. They define inclusive schools as those which are committed to ensuring that all students benefit from equal access to quality education. They also adopted a multiple case-study design, with four public infant and primary schools in four different regions of Spain. Through their participatory action research projects, they claim that the four management teams followed inclusive and democratic leadership practices, similar to what is understood as distributed leadership. They conclude that management teams are key to developing inclusive education, by fostering collaboration, shared vision and collective decision-making. A central question in understanding distributed leadership is ‘to whom is leadership distributed’, although this also assumes a deliberate rather than an inadvertent process. In many settings, particularly where distribution may be characterised as allocative, it is senior leadership figures who are the Editorial","PeriodicalId":47885,"journal":{"name":"Educational Management Administration & Leadership","volume":"423 1","pages":"529 - 532"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Distributed leadership and micropolitics\",\"authors\":\"T. Bush\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/17411432231156397\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The theories used to describe and explain educational leadership are subject to change as interests and priorities unfold. In the 21st century, distributed leadership has become increasingly fashionable as scholars, policy-makers and practitioners regard it as an appropriate way to lead and manage schools and other educational organisations. This model provides the potential for principals to share leadership, partly to reduce workloads and partly to empower and develop teachers. In the version of the model promulgated in the global north, distribution is seen as ‘emergent’, with principals nurturing a climate to encourage leadership initiatives that may arise anywhere in the organisation. A contrasting version, sometimes encouraged or mandated in centralised systems, is allocative distribution where tasks are given to teachers, notably senior and middle leaders, in a process often indistinguishable from delegation (Bush and Ng, 2019). Micropolitics, a model pioneered by Eric Hoyle (1982) in the 1980s, is based on the assumption that conflict is endemic in organisations, as participants seek to promote and defend their interests, both personal and professional. Interest groups arise, perhaps linked to subjects, and compete for supremacy within schools. Conflicts are usually resolved through the exercise of power and it is principals, of course, who usually have the most power in schools. This model has become much less prominent in the new millennium, perhaps because it is seen as unduly cynical in portraying staff in professional organisations as pursuing conflict rather than consensus. Mor Hodaya and Izhak Berkovich provide a rare contribution to distributed leadership theory by aligning it with micropolitics. They claim that distributed leadership largely adopts an apolitical outlook, with a limited focus on how it links with power. The authors adopted a multiple case-study design, with four Israeli secondary schools. Because they are generally larger and more complex than primary schools, they are ‘ideal sites’ for exploring distributed leadership. Their data indicate ‘imperfect’ distribution, noting that principals exerted control through ‘veto power’. They claim that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, for example, tends to promote distributed leadership. They conclude that policy makers wishing to promote distributed leadership should foster context-specific supportive conditions. Joan Andres Traver-Marti and her colleagues also focus on distributed leadership, in the context of Spanish inclusive schools. They define inclusive schools as those which are committed to ensuring that all students benefit from equal access to quality education. They also adopted a multiple case-study design, with four public infant and primary schools in four different regions of Spain. Through their participatory action research projects, they claim that the four management teams followed inclusive and democratic leadership practices, similar to what is understood as distributed leadership. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
用来描述和解释教育领导的理论随着兴趣和优先级的发展而变化。在21世纪,分布式领导越来越流行,学者、政策制定者和实践者都认为分布式领导是领导和管理学校和其他教育组织的合适方式。这种模式为校长分享领导权提供了可能,部分是为了减少工作量,部分是为了授权和发展教师。在全球北方发布的模式版本中,分配被视为“新兴的”,由校长培育一种氛围,鼓励可能在组织中任何地方出现的领导主动性。一个相反的版本,有时在中央系统中鼓励或强制,是分配分配,其中将任务分配给教师,特别是高级和中级领导,其过程通常与授权没有区别(Bush和Ng, 2019)。微观政治(Micropolitics)是埃里克•霍伊尔(Eric Hoyle, 1982)在20世纪80年代首创的一个模型,它基于这样一个假设:冲突在组织中是普遍存在的,因为参与者寻求促进和捍卫自己的个人和职业利益。利益集团出现了,可能与学科有关,并在学校内争夺霸权。冲突通常是通过行使权力来解决的,当然,校长通常在学校里拥有最大的权力。在新千年,这种模式已变得不那么突出,或许是因为人们认为,这种模式将专业机构的员工描绘成追求冲突而非共识的人,过于愤世嫉俗。moor Hodaya和Izhak Berkovich通过将分布式领导理论与微观政治结合起来,为分布式领导理论做出了罕见的贡献。他们声称,分布式领导在很大程度上采用了一种非政治性的观点,对其与权力的关系关注有限。作者采用了多案例研究设计,以四所以色列中学为研究对象。因为它们通常比小学更大更复杂,它们是探索分布式领导的“理想场所”。他们的数据表明分配是“不完美的”,并指出校长通过“否决权”行使控制权。例如,他们声称经济合作与发展组织(oecd)倾向于提倡分散式领导。他们得出的结论是,希望促进分布式领导的政策制定者应该培养针对具体情况的支持条件。Joan Andres Traver-Marti和她的同事们还关注西班牙包容性学校背景下的分布式领导。他们将包容性学校定义为那些致力于确保所有学生都能平等地获得优质教育的学校。他们还采用了多个案例研究设计,在西班牙四个不同地区的四所公立幼儿园和小学。通过他们的参与式行动研究项目,他们声称四个管理团队遵循包容性和民主的领导实践,类似于被理解为分布式领导。他们的结论是,管理团队通过促进合作、共同愿景和集体决策,是发展全纳教育的关键。理解分布式领导的一个核心问题是“领导权分配给谁”,尽管这也假设是一个深思熟虑的过程,而不是一个无意的过程。在许多情况下,特别是在分配可能被描述为分配的情况下,社论是高级领导人物
The theories used to describe and explain educational leadership are subject to change as interests and priorities unfold. In the 21st century, distributed leadership has become increasingly fashionable as scholars, policy-makers and practitioners regard it as an appropriate way to lead and manage schools and other educational organisations. This model provides the potential for principals to share leadership, partly to reduce workloads and partly to empower and develop teachers. In the version of the model promulgated in the global north, distribution is seen as ‘emergent’, with principals nurturing a climate to encourage leadership initiatives that may arise anywhere in the organisation. A contrasting version, sometimes encouraged or mandated in centralised systems, is allocative distribution where tasks are given to teachers, notably senior and middle leaders, in a process often indistinguishable from delegation (Bush and Ng, 2019). Micropolitics, a model pioneered by Eric Hoyle (1982) in the 1980s, is based on the assumption that conflict is endemic in organisations, as participants seek to promote and defend their interests, both personal and professional. Interest groups arise, perhaps linked to subjects, and compete for supremacy within schools. Conflicts are usually resolved through the exercise of power and it is principals, of course, who usually have the most power in schools. This model has become much less prominent in the new millennium, perhaps because it is seen as unduly cynical in portraying staff in professional organisations as pursuing conflict rather than consensus. Mor Hodaya and Izhak Berkovich provide a rare contribution to distributed leadership theory by aligning it with micropolitics. They claim that distributed leadership largely adopts an apolitical outlook, with a limited focus on how it links with power. The authors adopted a multiple case-study design, with four Israeli secondary schools. Because they are generally larger and more complex than primary schools, they are ‘ideal sites’ for exploring distributed leadership. Their data indicate ‘imperfect’ distribution, noting that principals exerted control through ‘veto power’. They claim that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, for example, tends to promote distributed leadership. They conclude that policy makers wishing to promote distributed leadership should foster context-specific supportive conditions. Joan Andres Traver-Marti and her colleagues also focus on distributed leadership, in the context of Spanish inclusive schools. They define inclusive schools as those which are committed to ensuring that all students benefit from equal access to quality education. They also adopted a multiple case-study design, with four public infant and primary schools in four different regions of Spain. Through their participatory action research projects, they claim that the four management teams followed inclusive and democratic leadership practices, similar to what is understood as distributed leadership. They conclude that management teams are key to developing inclusive education, by fostering collaboration, shared vision and collective decision-making. A central question in understanding distributed leadership is ‘to whom is leadership distributed’, although this also assumes a deliberate rather than an inadvertent process. In many settings, particularly where distribution may be characterised as allocative, it is senior leadership figures who are the Editorial