Why Rape Law Revisions should be Consistent with Anderson’s Negotiation Model

Emma Jervis
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Abstract

In this essay I argue that the current law structure unobjectionably fails to protect women against cases of rape and needs reform. I further maintain that Anderson’s suggestion of ‘negotiation consent’ is the most appropriate line of reform, and I will defend her proposal in the face of potential objections. The current rape law in the UK was implemented in 2003, which revised previous laws firstly defined in the Sexual Offenses Act of 1953. Despite the ostensibly ‘objective’ nature of this law, which will be further examined in this essay, many feminist philosophers have noted the biases within the law which favour male interests. This essay explores the present issues within UK law, as well as our current understandings of what constitutes ‘a reasonable belief of consent’, that fail to protect women in instances of rape. This foundational attitude towards such matters influence performative revision models, such as the No Model and the Yes model, which I consider within this essay. Yet the inadequacies of such approaches, as I demonstrate, mirror some of the current issues with rape law in the UK today; such as the lack of recognition of men’s frequent inability to interpret women’s nonverbal behaviour and disregard for instances where one person changes their mind. Furthermore, I advocate for Anderson’s proposal of the negotiation model as an alternative reform of the law as well as society’s attitude towards sex and how consent can be clearly obtained. This model, when legally applied, will not only legally protect women in cases of rape, but eventually protect them from the present societal norms that perpetuate the imminent risk of rape and sexual exploitation.  Through making the act of negotiation a legal requirement, I maintain that there would be a ‘ripple effect’ throughout society that would, eventually, lead to a change in public expectations of men and women. Anderson’s emphasis on either party being able to initiate the negotiation establishes a much more open-minded attitude towards gender roles and expectations of individuals based on their gender. This is the greatest strength of Anderson’s argument, as this equality-driven initiative would eventually seep into society’s wider expectations of individuals when initiating sex, and create a world where understanding what the other person is anticipating in a sexual situation is the norm.
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强奸法修订为何应遵循安德森的协商模式
在这篇文章中,我认为目前的法律结构毫无疑问未能保护妇女免受强奸案件的侵害,需要改革。我进一步认为,安德森的“协商同意”建议是最合适的改革路线,面对潜在的反对意见,我将捍卫她的建议。英国现行的强奸法于2003年实施,修订了1953年《性犯罪法》中最初定义的法律。尽管这条法律表面上是“客观”的,这将在本文中进一步研究,但许多女权主义哲学家已经注意到法律中偏袒男性利益的偏见。这篇文章探讨了英国法律中目前的问题,以及我们目前对什么构成“同意的合理信念”的理解,这在强奸的情况下无法保护妇女。这种对此类问题的基本态度影响了执行修正模型,例如我在本文中考虑的“否”模型和“是”模型。然而,正如我所展示的,这些方法的不足之处反映了当今英国强奸法的一些问题;例如,缺乏对男性经常无法解释女性非语言行为的认识,以及忽视一个人改变主意的情况。此外,我主张安德森提出的协商模式作为法律和社会对性的态度以及如何明确获得同意的替代改革。这一模式在法律上适用时,不仅会在强奸案件中保护妇女,而且最终保护她们免受目前的社会规范的影响,这些规范使强奸和性剥削的迫在眉睫的危险永久化。我坚持认为,通过将谈判行为作为一项法律要求,将在整个社会产生“连锁反应”,最终导致公众对男性和女性的期望发生变化。安德森强调任何一方都有能力发起谈判,这为性别角色和基于性别的个人期望建立了一种更加开放的态度。这是安德森论点的最大优势,因为这种平等驱动的主动性最终会渗透到社会对个人发起性行为的更广泛的期望中,并创造一个世界,在这个世界中,理解对方在性情境中的期望是一种规范。
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