An Incurable Past: Nasser's Egypt Then and Now

Paul Sedra
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Abstract

AN INCURABLE PAST: NASSER'S EGYPT THEN AND NOW Meriam Belli Gainesv il le: University Press of Florida, 2013 (xii + 296 pages, bibliography, index, figures, tables) $74.95 (cloth)In stark contrast to colleagues who work on the rule of Muhammad 'Ali Pasha and his successors, historians who focus on the Nasser period in Egyptian history are hobbled by the absence of substantial and accessible government archives. Indeed, while the past twenty years have witnessed a veritable renaissance of inquiry into, and interpretation of, the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries-due in no small part to a careful excavation of documents at the Egyptian National Archives, or Dar al-Watha'iq-pathbreaking analyses of the Nasser years have remained far fewer in number.This is not to say, however, that critical exploration of the 1950s and 1960s is impracticable. What historians of these years lack in terms of government archives, they can make up for in abundance through the use of the voluminous popular culture materials dating to this period.This task is, in part, what Meriam Belli sets before herself in her book, An Incurable Past: Nasser's Egypt Then and Now. But only in part, for this book is no conventional history of the Nasser years. Indeed, one could well be forgiven for thinking, on examining the work, that it is not history at all, but ethnography. Without question, the book draws inspiration as much from anthropology as from history, for its central concern is not solely the past, but the work that the past performs in the present. Given how frequently Nasser and the years of his rule are invoked in discussions of Egyptian politics-not least since the 2011 revolution-Belli seeks to grasp how and why these invocations are used.Drawing upon Bakhtin, Belli frames the study in terms of "historical utterances" dating to the 1950s and 1960s. In shunning references to memory or commemoration, she seeks to emphasize "the wide sphere of 'human communications and activity' that takes history for object" (9). Likewise privileged in Belli's notion of historical utterances are the ways in which history is appropriated and articulated in everyday life-the vernacular as opposed to elite, government, or media appropriations and articulations. As a result, this project ultimately entails an exploration not simply of the Nasser years themselves, but of the traces of those years that have consistently emerged in Egyptians' lives since that time.What this project demands in terms of sources is both the popular culture materials mentioned above and detailed interviews with a wide range of Egyptians reflecting upon how interpretations of these materials have changed over time. In order to focus the study, Belli has selected three experiences of the Nasser period that have taken on varied connotations through the years: the experience of the Nasserist educational system, the experience of the effigy-burning festival haraq al-limby in Port Said, and the experience of the apparition of the Virgin Mary in Zaytun.In her exposition of Nasserist schooling, Belli is concerned with exposing a commonplace assumption as a myth-namely, that the 1952 revolution ushered in an era of free and universal education. She adopts two principal tacks to achieve this aim: first, to illustrate that, in fact, the origins of the idea of free and universal education lay not in the Nasser period, but rather in the preceding liberal period; and second, to expose the manifold failures of the education system that emerged under the Egyptian republic, particularly in cultivating a civic ethos among Egyptians. Through a careful review of the textbooks mandated by the state since the 1952 revolution, Belli charts how successive leaders have obscured the accomplishments of their predecessors, frequently by simple omission. This haphazard approach to textbook development has resulted in a civics education that is incoherent at best.From the broad experience of Nasserist schooling, Belli moves into a fascinating case study of haraq al-limby, the burning of effigies once common at festival times in the cities of the Suez Canal zone. …
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不可救药的过去:纳赛尔的埃及的过去和现在
不可避免的过去:纳赛尔的埃及过去和现在梅里亚姆·贝利·盖恩斯维尔:佛罗里达大学出版社,2013年(12 + 296页,参考书目、索引、数字、表格)74.95美元(布)与研究穆罕默德·阿里帕夏及其继任者统治的同事形成鲜明对比的是,专注于埃及历史上纳赛尔时期的历史学家由于缺乏大量可访问的政府档案而步履艰难。事实上,虽然过去20年见证了对19世纪和20世纪早期的研究和解释的真正复兴——这在很大程度上要归功于对埃及国家档案馆(Dar al-Watha'iq)文件的仔细挖掘——但对纳赛尔时代的开创性分析仍然少得多。然而,这并不是说,对20世纪50年代和60年代的批判性探索是不可行的。这些年来的历史学家在政府档案方面所缺乏的,他们可以通过使用可追溯到这一时期的大量流行文化材料来丰富地弥补。梅里亚姆·贝利(Meriam Belli)在她的书《无法挽回的过去:纳赛尔的埃及过去与现在》(An Incurable Past: Nasser’s Egypt Then and Now)中提出了这个任务。但这只是一部分,因为这本书不是纳赛尔时代的传统历史。事实上,如果有人在审视这部作品时认为它根本不是历史,而是民族志,那是可以原谅的。毫无疑问,这本书从人类学和历史中汲取了同样多的灵感,因为它的中心关注的不仅仅是过去,而是过去在现在所做的工作。考虑到在埃及政治讨论中频繁地引用纳赛尔及其统治时期——尤其是自2011年革命以来——贝利试图把握这些引用是如何以及为什么被使用的。Belli以巴赫金为蓝本,从20世纪50年代和60年代的“历史话语”角度来构建这项研究。在避免提及记忆或纪念时,她试图强调“以历史为对象的‘人类交流和活动’的广泛领域”(9)。同样,在贝利的历史话语概念中,历史在日常生活中被挪用和表达的方式享有特权——与精英、政府或媒体的挪用和表达相对立的是白话。因此,这个项目最终不仅需要探索纳赛尔时代本身,还需要探索自那以后埃及人生活中不断出现的那些年代的痕迹。这个项目所需要的资料来源包括上面提到的流行文化材料,以及对广泛的埃及人的详细采访,以反映对这些材料的解释是如何随着时间的推移而变化的。为了集中研究,Belli选择了纳赛尔时期的三个经历,这些经历随着时间的推移具有不同的内涵:纳赛尔主义教育制度的经历,塞得港焚烧雕像节haraq al-limby的经历,以及在宰敦圣母显形的经历。在她对纳赛尔式教育的阐述中,贝利关注的是揭露一个普遍的假设,即1952年的革命开创了一个免费普及教育的时代。为了达到这一目的,她采取了两种主要手段:首先,说明事实上,免费和普及教育的理念的起源并不在纳赛尔时期,而是在之前的自由主义时期;第二,揭露埃及共和国时期出现的教育体系的种种失败,尤其是在培养埃及人的公民精神方面。通过对自1952年革命以来国家规定的教科书的仔细审查,贝利描绘了历届领导人如何掩盖其前任的成就,通常是通过简单的遗漏。这种随意的教科书开发方法导致公民教育充其量是不连贯的。从纳塞主义教育的广泛经验出发,贝利开始了对哈拉克·阿尔-林比(haraq al-limby)的引人入胜的案例研究,在苏伊士运河区的城市,节日期间焚烧雕像一度很常见。…
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Spheres of Intervention: Us Foreign Policy and the Collapse of Lebanon, 1967-1976 The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon A History of Modern Oman The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestinian Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post - Cold War Order An Incurable Past: Nasser's Egypt Then and Now
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