A History of Modern Oman

G. Crouzet
{"title":"A History of Modern Oman","authors":"G. Crouzet","doi":"10.5860/choice.194911","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"A HISTORY OF MODERN OMAN Jeremy Jones and Nicholas Ridout Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015 (301 pages + maps, index) $94.99 (cloth)Jeremy Jones and Nicholas Ridout's book on modern Oman will be a reference for the history of Oman from the late eighteenth century to the present day. There are already a few histories of Oman, such as Patricia Risso's Oman and Muscat (Croom Helm, 1986) or Uzi Rabi's Emergence of States in a Tribal Society (Sussex University Press, 2006). Marc Valeri's book, Oman: Politics and Society in the Qaboos State (Oxford University Press, 2014) covers nation building and political legitimacy in the sultanate since 1970. A History of Modern Oman, however, writes a global history of the sultanate, placing its expansion as a thalassocracy and its emergence as a nation-state within a larger frame of the sultans' encounters and entanglements with colonial powers.The book's main argument is that unlike its neighbors the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, Oman has been able to undertake major changes to become part of the globalized world while keeping some of its nineteenth-century traditions. The sultans have supposedly invented an original mode of development that preserves Oman's political, social, and religious traditions. Hence Oman exemplifies the model of a state enjoying oil-reserve prosperity while preserving Ibadism, one of Islam's main branches, said to have been founded as early as the seventh century CE, and a centuryold cosmopolitan society. It is a classic argument, tackled here in two parts, covering first the long nineteenth century and then the twentieth century. The argument, however, is questionable. Oman's neighbors, like the emirates of Dubai and Abu Dhabi, have followed a similar political and social pattern as the one Jones and Ridout describe (see, for example, Christopher Davidson's Abu Dhabi: Oil and Beyond [Columbia University Press, 2009]). Nevertheless, the authors provide valuable details about Oman's political, social, and cultural modernity since the nineteenth century. Chapter two, for example, describes the development of a press and a dynamic intellectual sphere in Zanzibar and Oman, situating it within the larger frame of the global nahda movement. Chapters six and seven stand as a good resume of the modernizing reforms and measures Sultan Qaboos carried out in the 1970s, facilitated by the wealth coming from oil revenues and the help of British advisers, who served at economic consultants. The authors give a well-documented portrait of Omani society in the twentieth century as they tackle the social consequences of the oil boom as well as labor migration.The book's second central argument is that \"key Sultans\" made Oman a modern and federated nation-state that became an influential partner to the regional powers. The relevance of the \"nation-state\" in the context of Oman is questionable, and the book does not analyze the evidence of a \"national sentiment.\" The concept is arguably Eurocentric and does not do justice to Oman's long political tradition, deeply influenced by Ibadism. These qualifications do not, however, detract from the book's powerful narration of how the sultans from the late eighteenth century onward created a federated state in Oman, despite internal tensions and tribal conflicts. For Jones and Ridout, Sa'id bin Sultan (r. 1806-56), Sa'id III bin Taymur (r. 1932-70), and Sultan Qaboos, who is currently in power, led what could be called a policy of national union and reconciliation. The book also demonstrates how Sultan Qaboos, in the context of the oil boom, transformed the figure of the sultan: in addition to being the ultimate source of authority he also became a provider of services and the guardian of the unified nation-state.A History of Oman takes the shura as a key concept through which to understand Oman's political system. The shura, as the authors define it, is \"the practice whereby the ruler, leader or sheikh consults with others before taking decisions of importance to the society, tribe or family which he leads\" (198). …","PeriodicalId":184252,"journal":{"name":"Arab Studies Journal","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"9","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Arab Studies Journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.194911","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9

Abstract

A HISTORY OF MODERN OMAN Jeremy Jones and Nicholas Ridout Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015 (301 pages + maps, index) $94.99 (cloth)Jeremy Jones and Nicholas Ridout's book on modern Oman will be a reference for the history of Oman from the late eighteenth century to the present day. There are already a few histories of Oman, such as Patricia Risso's Oman and Muscat (Croom Helm, 1986) or Uzi Rabi's Emergence of States in a Tribal Society (Sussex University Press, 2006). Marc Valeri's book, Oman: Politics and Society in the Qaboos State (Oxford University Press, 2014) covers nation building and political legitimacy in the sultanate since 1970. A History of Modern Oman, however, writes a global history of the sultanate, placing its expansion as a thalassocracy and its emergence as a nation-state within a larger frame of the sultans' encounters and entanglements with colonial powers.The book's main argument is that unlike its neighbors the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, Oman has been able to undertake major changes to become part of the globalized world while keeping some of its nineteenth-century traditions. The sultans have supposedly invented an original mode of development that preserves Oman's political, social, and religious traditions. Hence Oman exemplifies the model of a state enjoying oil-reserve prosperity while preserving Ibadism, one of Islam's main branches, said to have been founded as early as the seventh century CE, and a centuryold cosmopolitan society. It is a classic argument, tackled here in two parts, covering first the long nineteenth century and then the twentieth century. The argument, however, is questionable. Oman's neighbors, like the emirates of Dubai and Abu Dhabi, have followed a similar political and social pattern as the one Jones and Ridout describe (see, for example, Christopher Davidson's Abu Dhabi: Oil and Beyond [Columbia University Press, 2009]). Nevertheless, the authors provide valuable details about Oman's political, social, and cultural modernity since the nineteenth century. Chapter two, for example, describes the development of a press and a dynamic intellectual sphere in Zanzibar and Oman, situating it within the larger frame of the global nahda movement. Chapters six and seven stand as a good resume of the modernizing reforms and measures Sultan Qaboos carried out in the 1970s, facilitated by the wealth coming from oil revenues and the help of British advisers, who served at economic consultants. The authors give a well-documented portrait of Omani society in the twentieth century as they tackle the social consequences of the oil boom as well as labor migration.The book's second central argument is that "key Sultans" made Oman a modern and federated nation-state that became an influential partner to the regional powers. The relevance of the "nation-state" in the context of Oman is questionable, and the book does not analyze the evidence of a "national sentiment." The concept is arguably Eurocentric and does not do justice to Oman's long political tradition, deeply influenced by Ibadism. These qualifications do not, however, detract from the book's powerful narration of how the sultans from the late eighteenth century onward created a federated state in Oman, despite internal tensions and tribal conflicts. For Jones and Ridout, Sa'id bin Sultan (r. 1806-56), Sa'id III bin Taymur (r. 1932-70), and Sultan Qaboos, who is currently in power, led what could be called a policy of national union and reconciliation. The book also demonstrates how Sultan Qaboos, in the context of the oil boom, transformed the figure of the sultan: in addition to being the ultimate source of authority he also became a provider of services and the guardian of the unified nation-state.A History of Oman takes the shura as a key concept through which to understand Oman's political system. The shura, as the authors define it, is "the practice whereby the ruler, leader or sheikh consults with others before taking decisions of importance to the society, tribe or family which he leads" (198). …
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现代阿曼的历史
杰里米·琼斯和尼古拉斯·里多特的阿曼现代史剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2015年(301页+地图,索引)94.99美元(布)杰里米·琼斯和尼古拉斯·里多特关于阿曼现代史的书将是阿曼从18世纪晚期到现在的历史参考。已经有一些关于阿曼的历史,如帕特里夏·里索的《阿曼和马斯喀特》(克鲁姆·赫尔姆,1986年)或乌兹·拉比的《部落社会中国家的出现》(苏塞克斯大学出版社,2006年)。马克·瓦莱里的著作《阿曼:卡布斯国的政治与社会》(牛津大学出版社,2014年)涵盖了1970年以来苏丹国的国家建设和政治合法性。然而,《现代阿曼史》写了一部苏丹国的全球历史,将其作为地中海联盟的扩张,以及作为一个民族国家的出现,置于苏丹与殖民大国的遭遇和纠缠的更大框架内。这本书的主要论点是,与邻国阿拉伯联合酋长国和沙特阿拉伯不同,阿曼能够在保持一些19世纪传统的同时,进行重大变革,成为全球化世界的一部分。据说苏丹们发明了一种原始的发展模式,保留了阿曼的政治、社会和宗教传统。因此,阿曼是一个享受石油储备繁荣的国家的典范,同时保留了伊斯兰教的主要分支之一,据说早在公元7世纪就建立了,是一个有百年历史的世界性社会。这是一个经典的论点,分为两个部分,首先涵盖了漫长的19世纪,然后是20世纪。然而,这种观点是值得怀疑的。阿曼的邻国,如阿联酋的迪拜和阿布扎比,遵循着琼斯和里多特描述的类似的政治和社会模式(例如,参见克里斯托弗·戴维森的《阿布扎比:石油与超越》[哥伦比亚大学出版社,2009年])。然而,作者提供了有关19世纪以来阿曼政治、社会和文化现代性的宝贵细节。例如,第二章描述了桑给巴尔和阿曼新闻界和动态知识领域的发展,将其置于全球复兴党运动的更大框架内。第六章和第七章很好地回顾了苏丹卡布斯在20世纪70年代实施的现代化改革和措施,这些改革和措施得益于石油收入带来的财富和担任经济顾问的英国顾问的帮助。作者在处理石油繁荣和劳动力迁移的社会后果时,为20世纪的阿曼社会提供了一幅有充分证据的肖像。本书的第二个中心论点是,“关键的苏丹”使阿曼成为一个现代的联邦民族国家,成为地区大国的一个有影响力的伙伴。在阿曼的背景下,“民族国家”的相关性是值得怀疑的,这本书没有分析“民族情绪”的证据。这个概念可以说是以欧洲为中心的,与阿曼深受伊斯兰教影响的长期政治传统不符。然而,这些条件并没有削弱本书对18世纪后期苏丹如何在阿曼建立一个联邦国家的有力叙述,尽管内部紧张局势和部落冲突。对于Jones和Ridout来说,said bin Sultan(1806-56年),said III bin Taymur(1932-70年)和Sultan Qaboos(目前掌权)领导了所谓的民族团结与和解政策。这本书还展示了在石油繁荣的背景下,苏丹卡布斯如何改变了苏丹的形象:除了成为权威的最终来源之外,他还成为了一个服务的提供者和统一民族国家的守护者。《阿曼史》将舒拉作为理解阿曼政治制度的关键概念。正如作者所定义的那样,舒拉是“统治者、领袖或酋长在作出对他所领导的社会、部落或家庭重要的决定之前与其他人协商的做法”(198)。…
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