Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
{"title":"New directions in theory-building","authors":"Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis","doi":"10.7765/9781526137920.00009","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominated by claims of a ‘neofunctionalist comeback’ – modified in nature, yet easily discernible in scope. Processes of negative integration primarily at the market level were linked with the development of a wide range of policies covering almost all spheres of regional co-operation. Neofunctionalist ‘spillovers’ were envisaged for the transformation of a ‘Business Europe’ to a ‘People’s Europe’: the functions of the larger management system seemed to have produced not only new expectations but also new pressures for further integration. But the institutional evolution of the Community was lagging behind its (re)emerging neofunctionalist ambitions. The SEA did not represent a qualitative leap towards a ‘self-regulating pluralist society’ at the regional level, or even towards high levels of political autonomy on the part of supranational institutions. Although it needs to be pointed out that the Delors Commission did try to develop an independent strategy for managing the ‘1992 process’ and to exploit its enormous publicity – a project supported at the time by even the most ‘reluctant’ Europeans including British Prime Minister Thatcher – the states once again found ways of resisting any substantive movement towards a profound transformation of the Community system: supranationalism championed in areas where the states wanted to see progress, such as the implementation of the single market programme (and even here there was to be a target date rather than a legally binding date for its completion). In those areas where national interests were, or appeared to be, at stake, such as European Political Co-operation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 2","PeriodicalId":436916,"journal":{"name":"Theory and reform in the European Union","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Theory and reform in the European Union","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.7765/9781526137920.00009","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominated by claims of a ‘neofunctionalist comeback’ – modified in nature, yet easily discernible in scope. Processes of negative integration primarily at the market level were linked with the development of a wide range of policies covering almost all spheres of regional co-operation. Neofunctionalist ‘spillovers’ were envisaged for the transformation of a ‘Business Europe’ to a ‘People’s Europe’: the functions of the larger management system seemed to have produced not only new expectations but also new pressures for further integration. But the institutional evolution of the Community was lagging behind its (re)emerging neofunctionalist ambitions. The SEA did not represent a qualitative leap towards a ‘self-regulating pluralist society’ at the regional level, or even towards high levels of political autonomy on the part of supranational institutions. Although it needs to be pointed out that the Delors Commission did try to develop an independent strategy for managing the ‘1992 process’ and to exploit its enormous publicity – a project supported at the time by even the most ‘reluctant’ Europeans including British Prime Minister Thatcher – the states once again found ways of resisting any substantive movement towards a profound transformation of the Community system: supranationalism championed in areas where the states wanted to see progress, such as the implementation of the single market programme (and even here there was to be a target date rather than a legally binding date for its completion). In those areas where national interests were, or appeared to be, at stake, such as European Political Co-operation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 2