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Theory and reform in the European Union最新文献

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Front matter 前页
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00001
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
List of abbreviations 缩略语一览表
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00005
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
Dedication 奉献
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00002
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
The Treaty of Nice and its critics 《尼斯条约》及其批评者
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00011
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
In February 2000, yet another IGC, the fourth since the entry into force of the SEA in 1987, inaugurated its workings with the explicit objective to arrive at a resolution on the so-called ‘Amsterdam leftovers’. That is to say, on those decisions that should have been decided upon during the June 1997 Amsterdam Summit, where a pronouncement had not proved possible. This was no easy task given the animosity of the deliberations during the Amsterdam process and the high stakes drawn in case of breakdown and, by extension, a likely collapse of the integration process: the next round of enlargement involving up to twelve new member states from Central and Eastern Europe, Malta and Cyprus. A special Protocol attached to the AMT on ‘the enlargement and the institutions of the Union’ stated thus:
2000年2月,另一个政府间委员会,即自1987年SEA生效以来的第四次政府间委员会,开始其工作,其明确目标是就所谓的“阿姆斯特丹剩余物”达成一项决议。这就是说,关于那些本应在1997年6月阿姆斯特丹首脑会议期间作出决定的决定,在那次首脑会议上证明不可能发表声明。这并非易事,因为阿姆斯特丹进程期间的讨论充满敌意,而且一旦解体,乃至一体化进程可能崩溃,所带来的风险也很高:下一轮扩大涉及多达12个来自中欧和东欧、马耳他和塞浦路斯的新成员国。AMT所附关于“联盟扩大和机构”的一项特别议定书规定:
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引用次数: 0
New directions in theory-building 理论建设的新方向
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00009
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominated by claims of a ‘neofunctionalist comeback’ – modified in nature, yet easily discernible in scope. Processes of negative integration primarily at the market level were linked with the development of a wide range of policies covering almost all spheres of regional co-operation. Neofunctionalist ‘spillovers’ were envisaged for the transformation of a ‘Business Europe’ to a ‘People’s Europe’: the functions of the larger management system seemed to have produced not only new expectations but also new pressures for further integration. But the institutional evolution of the Community was lagging behind its (re)emerging neofunctionalist ambitions. The SEA did not represent a qualitative leap towards a ‘self-regulating pluralist society’ at the regional level, or even towards high levels of political autonomy on the part of supranational institutions. Although it needs to be pointed out that the Delors Commission did try to develop an independent strategy for managing the ‘1992 process’ and to exploit its enormous publicity – a project supported at the time by even the most ‘reluctant’ Europeans including British Prime Minister Thatcher – the states once again found ways of resisting any substantive movement towards a profound transformation of the Community system: supranationalism championed in areas where the states wanted to see progress, such as the implementation of the single market programme (and even here there was to be a target date rather than a legally binding date for its completion). In those areas where national interests were, or appeared to be, at stake, such as European Political Co-operation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 2
在20世纪80年代中期,整个场景被“新功能主义的回归”的主张所主导——在本质上进行了修改,但在范围上很容易辨认。主要在市场一级的消极一体化进程与制定涵盖几乎所有区域合作领域的广泛政策有关。新功能主义的“溢出效应”被设想为“商业欧洲”向“人民欧洲”的转变:更大的管理系统的功能似乎不仅产生了新的期望,而且产生了进一步一体化的新压力。但是共同体的制度演变落后于它(重新)出现的新功能主义野心。SEA并没有代表在区域层面上向“自我调节的多元社会”的质的飞跃,甚至也没有代表超国家机构向高度政治自治的飞跃。虽然需要指出的是,德洛尔委员会确实试图制定一个独立的战略来管理“1992进程”,并利用其巨大的宣传——当时甚至连最“不情愿”的欧洲人,包括英国首相撒切尔都支持这个项目——但这些国家再次找到了抵制任何实质性运动的方法,以实现共同体体系的深刻变革:超国家主义在各国希望看到进展的领域得到支持,比如单一市场计划的实施(即使在这方面,也有一个目标日期,而不是一个具有法律约束力的完成日期)。在那些国家利益受到或似乎受到威胁的领域,比如仅仅被写入法律文本的欧洲政治合作(EPC),政府间主义实际上作为决策的主导模式占了上风。此外,由于第2条,主权所在地随后没有发生任何改变
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00016
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
List of tables 表格一览表
Pub Date : 2018-07-30 DOI: 10.7765/9781526137920.00004
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
The Amsterdam reforms 阿姆斯特丹改革
Pub Date : 1999-04-22 DOI: 10.7228/MANCHESTER/9780719049910.003.0003
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
Debating the future of Europe 讨论欧洲的未来
Pub Date : 1999-04-22 DOI: 10.7228/MANCHESTER/9780719049910.003.0007
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 1
Geopolitical imperatives of system change 制度变革的地缘政治必要性
Pub Date : 1999-04-22 DOI: 10.7228/MANCHESTER/9780719049910.003.0005
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, S. Stavridis, Kostas Ifantis
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Theory and reform in the European Union
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