Culture Strategy of Baha’is: Case Study in Pati, Central Java, Indonesia

M. Rosyid
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The contributing factors to the consistency of the Baha'is in Pati (1) understand the meaning of prayer and worship, (2) the Bahai declarator, Mirza Husein, has the title Baha'u'llah who is believed to be a descendant of the saint, (3) Baha'i teachings have no conflict with the principles of humanity, (4) the Baha'i were inspired by the Baha'ullah spirit which was opposed by the religious community which previously existed (Islam) in Persia (Iran) from the beginning he spread his religion. The Bahai people face this opposition as a consequence, (5) the Baha’i people realize that the Baha’i experienced a phase of development through the stages of majhuliyah (unknown period), maqhuriyah (a period of opposition / hindrance), infisoliyah (a period of isolation /separation) with the majority community, istiqlaliyah (period of deliverance), rosmiyah (period of legalization / inauguration), gholabiyah (period of victory), and dzahabiyah (golden period).Culture strategy of the Baha’i in Pati, (1) the Baha'i social behavior in Cebolek Kidul Village adapts and adopts the traditions of the local Muslim nahdliyin, (2) blend with local muslims, (3) no longer speaking out their unfulfilled aspirations and rights by the regional government to the central government and NGOs (4) actively attend internal Bahai regular meetings and forums organized by Bahai institutions, (6) their worship was not widely publicized so it did not trigger any reactions, (7) obey the Bahá'í law based on Kitáb-i-Aqdas, (8) protect themselves by not publishing the Aqdas holy book to the public so that conflicts would not arise due to their teachings that were suspected of being similar to the teachings of Islam, (9) organizing informal education for students of local Muslim children. Six months of learning, in 2015 local Muslim leaders responded negatively because they were vulnerable to Muslim students becoming apostates, eventually resigning. Various efforts (in addition to ruhi institute learning) has a positive impact on Baha'is. First, the local Muslim community dug up the tomb and attended the funeral when the Baha'i died, even though there were two grave diggers in Cebolek Kidul Village, the first group was not pleased to reverse the tomb under the pretext of different religions, while the second group reversed the tomb under the pretext of humanity. The village government provides grave land (which is now only used by the Bahai people) and based on Cebolek Kidul Village Regulation No. 7 year 2016 it was designated as a public grave. Secondly, praying for the house of Baha'i Islam/NU (read tahlil) after the funeral for five meetings. The Baha'is also attended the post-mortem prayer at the funeral home. Third, the Baha'i funeral is separated from Muslim funerals by local Muslims, with special land provided by the village government. This happens because public cemetary are only inhabited by Muslims, not allowed to bury the Baha'i people. The positive impact is that the tomb for the Baha'i who are on the edge of the community's shrimp ponds looks broad, not as crowd as the Muslim/public cemetary. The positive response began with the efforts of the Baha'i by becoming donors for the construction of local Muslim places of worship. Meanwhile, the Bahai residents who have funds and land, they provide capital to their Muslim neighbors who wish to raise cattle, work on rice fields, fishponds with a profit sharing system. Baha'is continue to blend in with their environment naturally, they avoid criminal acts and acts that violate social norms, they obey the rules agreed upon by Muslims as the majority, they keep their worship from being widely publicized, and perform worship in their homes.Keywords: Baha’i, strategy, and culture","PeriodicalId":248579,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v2i2.52196","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

This article based on research carried out in 2021 among the Baha'i religious community in the village of Cebolek Kidul, District Margoyoso, Pati regency, Central Java. Baha’i is an independent religion although sometime people mistaken as a religious sect. Baha’i was first known in Persia in 1840s and came to Indonesia in 1870 brought by medical experts joint a UN’s program and merchants. Data of this article were collected through interviews, observations, documentations and focus group discussion. In Cebolek, there are 25 people of 9 families who observe Baha’i. The contributing factors to the consistency of the Baha'is in Pati (1) understand the meaning of prayer and worship, (2) the Bahai declarator, Mirza Husein, has the title Baha'u'llah who is believed to be a descendant of the saint, (3) Baha'i teachings have no conflict with the principles of humanity, (4) the Baha'i were inspired by the Baha'ullah spirit which was opposed by the religious community which previously existed (Islam) in Persia (Iran) from the beginning he spread his religion. The Bahai people face this opposition as a consequence, (5) the Baha’i people realize that the Baha’i experienced a phase of development through the stages of majhuliyah (unknown period), maqhuriyah (a period of opposition / hindrance), infisoliyah (a period of isolation /separation) with the majority community, istiqlaliyah (period of deliverance), rosmiyah (period of legalization / inauguration), gholabiyah (period of victory), and dzahabiyah (golden period).Culture strategy of the Baha’i in Pati, (1) the Baha'i social behavior in Cebolek Kidul Village adapts and adopts the traditions of the local Muslim nahdliyin, (2) blend with local muslims, (3) no longer speaking out their unfulfilled aspirations and rights by the regional government to the central government and NGOs (4) actively attend internal Bahai regular meetings and forums organized by Bahai institutions, (6) their worship was not widely publicized so it did not trigger any reactions, (7) obey the Bahá'í law based on Kitáb-i-Aqdas, (8) protect themselves by not publishing the Aqdas holy book to the public so that conflicts would not arise due to their teachings that were suspected of being similar to the teachings of Islam, (9) organizing informal education for students of local Muslim children. Six months of learning, in 2015 local Muslim leaders responded negatively because they were vulnerable to Muslim students becoming apostates, eventually resigning. Various efforts (in addition to ruhi institute learning) has a positive impact on Baha'is. First, the local Muslim community dug up the tomb and attended the funeral when the Baha'i died, even though there were two grave diggers in Cebolek Kidul Village, the first group was not pleased to reverse the tomb under the pretext of different religions, while the second group reversed the tomb under the pretext of humanity. The village government provides grave land (which is now only used by the Bahai people) and based on Cebolek Kidul Village Regulation No. 7 year 2016 it was designated as a public grave. Secondly, praying for the house of Baha'i Islam/NU (read tahlil) after the funeral for five meetings. The Baha'is also attended the post-mortem prayer at the funeral home. Third, the Baha'i funeral is separated from Muslim funerals by local Muslims, with special land provided by the village government. This happens because public cemetary are only inhabited by Muslims, not allowed to bury the Baha'i people. The positive impact is that the tomb for the Baha'i who are on the edge of the community's shrimp ponds looks broad, not as crowd as the Muslim/public cemetary. The positive response began with the efforts of the Baha'i by becoming donors for the construction of local Muslim places of worship. Meanwhile, the Bahai residents who have funds and land, they provide capital to their Muslim neighbors who wish to raise cattle, work on rice fields, fishponds with a profit sharing system. Baha'is continue to blend in with their environment naturally, they avoid criminal acts and acts that violate social norms, they obey the rules agreed upon by Muslims as the majority, they keep their worship from being widely publicized, and perform worship in their homes.Keywords: Baha’i, strategy, and culture
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巴哈伊的文化战略:以印度尼西亚中爪哇省帕蒂为例
本文基于2021年在中爪哇省帕提县Margoyoso区Cebolek Kidul村的巴哈伊宗教社区进行的研究。巴哈伊是一个独立的宗教,虽然有时人们误认为是一个教派。巴哈伊教最早于19世纪40年代在波斯被人所知,1870年由联合国项目的医学专家和商人带到印度尼西亚。本文的数据收集通过访谈,观察,文献和焦点小组讨论。在Cebolek,有9个家庭的25个人信奉巴哈伊教。巴哈教徒在帕蒂的一致性的贡献因素是:(1)理解祈祷和崇拜的意义;(2)巴哈教徒的宣讲者Mirza Husein有巴哈欧拉的头衔,被认为是圣人的后代;(3)巴哈伊教义与人类的原则没有冲突;(4)巴哈伊教徒受到巴哈欧拉精神的启发,而巴哈欧拉精神从一开始就被波斯(伊朗)先前存在的宗教团体(伊斯兰教)所反对。(5)巴哈伊人认识到,巴哈伊经历了一个发展阶段,经历了majhuliyah(未知时期)、maqhuriyah(反对/阻碍时期)、inisoliyah(与多数社区隔离/分离时期)、istiqlaliyah(解脱时期)、rosmiyah(合法化/宣誓时期)、gholabiyah(胜利时期)和dzahabiyah(黄金时期)等阶段。帕提巴哈伊的文化策略:(1)Cebolek Kidul村巴哈伊的社会行为适应并采纳了当地穆斯林nahdliyin的传统;(2)与当地穆斯林融合;(3)不再向中央政府和非政府组织表达他们未实现的愿望和权利;(4)积极参加巴哈伊机构组织的内部例会和论坛;(6)他们的崇拜没有被广泛宣传,因此没有引发任何反应。(7)遵守以Kitáb-i-Aqdas为基础的bah í法律;(8)保护自己,不向公众出版阿格达斯圣书,以免因其教义被怀疑与伊斯兰教教义相似而引起冲突;(9)为当地穆斯林儿童的学生组织非正式教育。经过6个月的学习,2015年当地的穆斯林领导人反应消极,因为他们很容易受到穆斯林学生成为叛教者的影响,最终辞职。各种努力(除了如希学院的学习)对巴哈伊教徒产生了积极的影响。首先,当地的穆斯林社区在巴哈教徒去世时掘墓并参加了葬礼,尽管在Cebolek Kidul村有两个掘墓人,但第一个群体以不同宗教为借口不愿意将坟墓翻过来,而第二个群体以人性为借口将坟墓翻过来。村政府提供墓地(现在只有巴哈人使用),根据2016年Cebolek Kidul村条例第7号,它被指定为公共墓地。其次,在葬礼后为巴哈伊伊斯兰教/NU(读为tahlil)祈祷五次。巴哈伊教徒也参加了在殡仪馆举行的死后祈祷。第三,巴哈伊葬礼与穆斯林葬礼由当地穆斯林分开,由村政府提供专用土地。这是因为公共墓地只允许穆斯林居住,不允许埋葬巴哈伊教徒。积极的影响是,位于社区虾塘边缘的巴哈伊教徒的坟墓看起来很宽敞,不像穆斯林/公共墓地那么拥挤。积极的反应始于巴哈伊教徒的努力,他们成为建造当地穆斯林礼拜场所的捐助者。与此同时,拥有资金和土地的巴哈教派居民,他们为他们的穆斯林邻居提供资金他们希望养牛,在稻田和鱼塘工作,实行利润分成制度。巴哈伊教徒继续自然地融入他们的环境,他们避免犯罪行为和违反社会规范的行为,他们遵守穆斯林多数人商定的规则,他们的崇拜不被广泛宣传,并在家中进行崇拜。关键词:巴哈伊,战略,文化
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