Black Boarding Academies as a Prudential Reparation

R. Brooks
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That much is clear beyond peradventure.  The hard question, however, is whether Black Reparations can take us there. Are Black Reparations (or reparations in general) powerful enough to engineer social transformation, or what in this case would be “transitional racial justice”? Unfortunately, I do not believe they can. The American race problem is simply too big for reparations to fix. It would take decades of massive amounts of government spending and the sustained moral commitment of the American people to achieve transitional racial justice in this country. The inflationary impact of the requisite spending (estimated at $6.4 trillion to $59.2 trillion) would give opponents of reparations an easy target. Moreover, transitional reparations have rarely been attempted in other countries and when tried it has never succeeded to my knowledge. South Africa attempted to use reparations for social transformation. While there has been a transformation of political power, giving Black South Africans a strong voice in the government, economic power remains in the hands of White South Africans and racial discrimination in housing and education continues. Although at one time I was among scholars who had hoped Black Reparations could deliver a much-needed Third Reconstruction, I would be remiss as a passionate supporter of Black Reparations for many decades to ignore the cold facts—reparations have never successfully reconstructed a society. \nBut the perfect should not be the enemy of the good. While Black Reparations may not be sufficient for transitional racial justice, they can still play an important role in moving toward that goal. This Article attempts to show one way of doing so.  It argues that the initial payment of Black Reparations should take the shape of an education reparation. Education can, as it has in the past with Brown v. Board of Education, provide a foundation for significant racial progress. The type of education reparation broached in this Article gives African American (or Black American) parents or guardians a unique choice for educating their children—Black Boarding Academies (BBAs). Kick started with public reparations, BBAs would begin with PK-3 low-income Black children, giving special attention to those at risk of falling into the dreadful foster care system, and would expand to accommodate other classes of Black students once financially stable with post-reparations funding. Like most public boarding schools, BBAs will have to be sustained with both public and private funds. Fortunately, there is a wide range of available sources. Historically, boarding schools have a poor reputation in educating children of color, especially Indigenous Americans. The few primary and secondary schools that board Black students have not experienced such problems. Neither have Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) at the postsecondary education level. Following in this rich tradition, BBAs will provide a safe and nurturing environment for Black students. Pedagogically, BBAs will prepare students not just to survive but to thrive. Students will be prepared to assume positions of leadership in our society whether they go directly into the job market or matriculate at HBCUs or predominantly white institutions. One of the most effective instructional models in the country for leadership-oriented teaching can be found in elite New England Prep Schools. They have been doing this for centuries. Using a modified version of their pedagogy—one self-consciously infused with a racial sensibility—BBAs will be able to extend the pipeline to leadership, normally available to upper-income and even middle-income African American students, to low-income African American students. 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Abstract

With billions of dollars pledged and trillions of dollars demanded to redress slavery and Jim Crow (“Black Reparations”) the question of how best to use these funds has moved into the forefront of the ongoing campaign for racial justice in our post-civil rights society.  Reparatory strategies typically target the norms and structures that sustain racial disadvantage wrought by slavery and Jim Crow. The goal of such transitional reparations is to extinguish the menace of white supremacy and systemic racism across the board.  Restructuring in housing, education, employment, voting, law enforcement, health care, and the environment—social transformation—is absolutely needed in the United States if the race problem is ever to be resolved. That much is clear beyond peradventure.  The hard question, however, is whether Black Reparations can take us there. Are Black Reparations (or reparations in general) powerful enough to engineer social transformation, or what in this case would be “transitional racial justice”? Unfortunately, I do not believe they can. The American race problem is simply too big for reparations to fix. It would take decades of massive amounts of government spending and the sustained moral commitment of the American people to achieve transitional racial justice in this country. The inflationary impact of the requisite spending (estimated at $6.4 trillion to $59.2 trillion) would give opponents of reparations an easy target. Moreover, transitional reparations have rarely been attempted in other countries and when tried it has never succeeded to my knowledge. South Africa attempted to use reparations for social transformation. While there has been a transformation of political power, giving Black South Africans a strong voice in the government, economic power remains in the hands of White South Africans and racial discrimination in housing and education continues. Although at one time I was among scholars who had hoped Black Reparations could deliver a much-needed Third Reconstruction, I would be remiss as a passionate supporter of Black Reparations for many decades to ignore the cold facts—reparations have never successfully reconstructed a society. But the perfect should not be the enemy of the good. While Black Reparations may not be sufficient for transitional racial justice, they can still play an important role in moving toward that goal. This Article attempts to show one way of doing so.  It argues that the initial payment of Black Reparations should take the shape of an education reparation. Education can, as it has in the past with Brown v. Board of Education, provide a foundation for significant racial progress. The type of education reparation broached in this Article gives African American (or Black American) parents or guardians a unique choice for educating their children—Black Boarding Academies (BBAs). Kick started with public reparations, BBAs would begin with PK-3 low-income Black children, giving special attention to those at risk of falling into the dreadful foster care system, and would expand to accommodate other classes of Black students once financially stable with post-reparations funding. Like most public boarding schools, BBAs will have to be sustained with both public and private funds. Fortunately, there is a wide range of available sources. Historically, boarding schools have a poor reputation in educating children of color, especially Indigenous Americans. The few primary and secondary schools that board Black students have not experienced such problems. Neither have Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) at the postsecondary education level. Following in this rich tradition, BBAs will provide a safe and nurturing environment for Black students. Pedagogically, BBAs will prepare students not just to survive but to thrive. Students will be prepared to assume positions of leadership in our society whether they go directly into the job market or matriculate at HBCUs or predominantly white institutions. One of the most effective instructional models in the country for leadership-oriented teaching can be found in elite New England Prep Schools. They have been doing this for centuries. Using a modified version of their pedagogy—one self-consciously infused with a racial sensibility—BBAs will be able to extend the pipeline to leadership, normally available to upper-income and even middle-income African American students, to low-income African American students. Indeed, the latter are the most vulnerable descendants of the enslaved.  
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黑人寄宿学校作为审慎的补偿
随着数十亿美元的承诺和数万亿美元的要求来纠正奴隶制和吉姆·克劳(“黑人赔偿”),如何最好地使用这些资金的问题已经成为我们后民权社会中正在进行的种族正义运动的前沿。补偿策略通常针对维持奴隶制和吉姆·克劳法造成的种族劣势的规范和结构。这种过渡性赔偿的目标是消除白人至上主义和系统性种族主义的威胁。如果要解决种族问题,美国绝对需要在住房、教育、就业、选举、执法、医疗保健和环境——社会转型——方面进行重组。这一点是显而易见的。然而,困难的问题是,黑人赔偿是否能把我们带到那里。黑人赔偿(或一般的赔偿)是否足够强大,足以推动社会转型,或者在这种情况下,什么是“过渡性种族正义”?不幸的是,我不相信他们能做到。美国的种族问题太大了,赔款根本无法解决。要在这个国家实现过渡时期的种族公正,需要数十年的巨额政府支出和美国人民持续的道德承诺。必要支出(估计在6.4万亿到59.2万亿美元之间)的通胀影响将使反对赔款的人很容易成为靶子。此外,其他国家很少尝试过渡赔偿,据我所知,即使尝试,也从未成功过。南非试图将赔款用于社会转型。虽然南非的政治权力发生了转变,黑人在政府中拥有了强大的发言权,但经济权力仍然掌握在南非白人手中,住房和教育方面的种族歧视仍在继续。虽然我曾经是希望黑人赔偿能够带来急需的第三次重建的学者之一,但作为几十年来黑人赔偿的热情支持者,我忽视了一个冷酷的事实——赔偿从未成功地重建过一个社会,这是疏忽的。但完美不应成为优秀的敌人。虽然黑人赔偿可能不足以实现过渡时期的种族正义,但它们仍然可以在实现这一目标的过程中发挥重要作用。本文试图展示这样做的一种方法。它认为,黑人赔款的初始支付应该采取教育赔款的形式。就像过去的布朗诉教育委员会案一样,教育可以为重大的种族进步奠定基础。本文提出的教育补偿类型为非裔美国人(或黑人美国人)的父母或监护人提供了教育孩子的独特选择-黑人寄宿学院(BBAs)。从公共赔偿开始,BBAs将从PK-3低收入黑人儿童开始,对那些有可能落入可怕的寄养系统的人给予特别关注,并将扩大到其他班级的黑人学生,一旦经济稳定,有了赔偿后的资金。与大多数公立寄宿学校一样,BBAs必须同时得到公共和私人资金的支持。幸运的是,有广泛的可用资源。从历史上看,寄宿学校在教育有色人种,尤其是美国土著儿童方面的声誉很差。少数几所招收黑人学生的小学和中学没有遇到过这样的问题。在高等教育水平上,历史上的黑人学院和大学(HBCUs)也没有。遵循这一丰富的传统,BBAs将为黑人学生提供一个安全和培育的环境。在教学上,mba课程不仅会让学生为生存做好准备,还会让他们茁壮成长。学生们将准备在我们的社会中担任领导职位,无论他们是直接进入就业市场,还是进入hbcu或以白人为主的机构。在这个国家,以领导力为导向的教学最有效的教学模式之一可以在新英格兰的精英预科学校找到。他们这样做已经有几个世纪了。采用一种改良版的教学方法——一种自觉地注入种族敏感性的方法——mba将能够将通往领导阶层的管道延伸到高收入甚至中等收入的非裔美国学生,以及低收入的非裔美国学生。事实上,后者是被奴役者最脆弱的后代。
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