A Most Masculine State: Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia

Mona Kareem
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引用次数: 89

Abstract

A MOST MASCULINE STATE: GENDER, POLITICS, AND RELIGION IN SAUDI ARABIA Madawi Al-Rasheed Cambridge: Ca mbridge University Press, 2013 (xii + 333 pages, works cited, index) $78.79 (cloth), $26.99 (paper)A Most Masculine State: Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia will become an essential reference for discussions of what the author Madawi Al-Rasheed calls "the globalized question of Saudi women" (26). Saudi women are subject to economic marginalization and strict rules that regulate their everyday lives. While Western media focus on the ban on driving, this book explores the "deep-rooted exclusion" of women in the Saudi kingdom (1). Male guardians determine and control women's mobility, education, employment, and health just as the state makes their subordination possible at the legal, social, political, and economic levels.Al-Rasheed identifies her book as a project exploring "the intercon- nection between gender, politics, and religion" in an attempt to explain the continued exclusion of Saudi women from the public sphere (3). The ban on independent associations and organizations has also played a major role in denying Saudi women a chance to press collectively for social transforma- tion (2). The status quo is, however, changing with the expansion of com- munication technology that allows Saudi women to be present and active in the public sphere. Their voices are no longer unheard as they challenge ociety "through daring voices, critical texts, and real mobilization" (2).Acknowledging pioneering texts in the study of gender in Saudi Arabia, including work by Soraya Altorki, Saddeka Arebi, Eleanor Doumato, and Amelie Le Renard, and drawing upon the work of feminist scholars Deniz Kandiyoti, Suad Joseph, Mounira Charrad, and Sylvia Walby, Al-Rasheed looks to fill a gap in the growing literature by placing gender in Saudi Arabia in relation to the state and religious nationalism. She formulates the concept of "religious nationalism" in conversation with and against Joseph Massad's and Partha Chatterjee's theories of nationalism, which, she argues, "fail to account for the imaging of Saudi Arabia" (9). Unlike Jordan, for example, which was "invented" by forging a nationalism based on Bedouin culture, "the Saudi nation articulated an identity by claiming to apply the Sharia in all aspects of life and submitting to a universal Islamic ethos" (14). Citing the work of Beth Baron and Mervat Hatem, she also contrasts the case of the Saudi kingdom with that of Egypt, where anticolonial nationalism allowed women to benefit in certain legal aspects while "projecting gender relations as a function of greater political projects" (17). In the Saudi kingdom, religious nationalism involved breaking the military and political autonomy of the tribes, even as it drew upon the tribal ethos to keep "women in a patriar- chal relationship under the authority of male relatives" (5). By looking at both secular and religious nationalisms in the region and their relation to modernity, mostly through the prism of their discourses of women's rights, Al-Rasheed shows how "in both cases, women are turned into symbols, representing anything but themselves" (17).In the Saudi kingdom, a limited women's presence indicates the nation's obedience to Islamic law. Al-Rasheed surveys a number of Saudi fatwas on women in the 1980s whose restrictive interpretations of Islam, she shows, were used by the state to further limit women's visibility in the public space. The religious 'ulama' have also emphasized women's "emotionality" to deem them incapable of serving in state positions and public offices. This narra- tive was further used to make the subordination of Saudi women possible in legal, social, and religious terms. In order to control their appearance and mobility, women's bodies were referred to as sources of fitna (which the author translates as "chaos" rather than "temptation").According to Al-Rasheed, Saudi women face a "double exclusion"- "one in the general economy and one in the domestic sphere" (23). …
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最男性化的国家:沙特阿拉伯的性别、政治和宗教
最男性化的国家:沙特阿拉伯的性别、政治和宗教Madawi Al-Rasheed剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2013年(12 + 333页,引用的作品,索引)78.79美元(布),26.99美元(纸)最男性化的国家:沙特阿拉伯的性别、政治和宗教将成为作者Madawi Al-Rasheed所说的“沙特妇女的全球化问题”的讨论的重要参考(26)。沙特妇女在经济上被边缘化,她们的日常生活也受到严格的规定。当西方媒体关注禁止驾驶时,这本书探讨了沙特王国对女性的“根深蒂固的排斥”(1)。男性监护人决定和控制女性的流动性、教育、就业和健康,就像国家在法律、社会、政治和经济层面使她们的从属地位成为可能一样。Al-Rasheed认为她的书是一个探索“性别、政治和宗教之间的相互联系”的项目,试图解释沙特妇女继续被排除在公共领域之外(3)。对独立协会和组织的禁令也在剥夺沙特妇女集体推动社会变革的机会方面发挥了重要作用(2)。然而,现状是,随着通讯技术的发展,沙特妇女得以出现并活跃在公共领域,这一切都在改变。她们的声音不再被忽视,因为她们“通过大胆的声音、批判性的文本和真正的动员”挑战社会(2)。承认沙特阿拉伯性别研究的开创性文本,包括Soraya Altorki、Saddeka Arebi、Eleanor Doumato和Amelie Le Renard的作品,并借鉴女权主义学者Deniz Kandiyoti、Suad Joseph、Mounira Charrad和Sylvia Walby的作品,Al-Rasheed试图通过将沙特阿拉伯的性别与国家和宗教民族主义联系起来,填补日益增多的文献中的空白。她在与约瑟夫·马萨德(Joseph Massad)和帕塔·查特吉(Partha Chatterjee)的民族主义理论的对话中阐述了“宗教民族主义”的概念,她认为,这些理论“未能解释沙特阿拉伯的形象”(9)。例如,约旦是通过建立基于贝都因文化的民族主义而“发明”出来的,与约旦不同,“沙特民族通过声称将伊斯兰教法应用于生活的各个方面,并服从普遍的伊斯兰精神,从而明确了一种身份认同”(14)。引用Beth Baron和Mervat Hatem的著作,她还将沙特王国的情况与埃及的情况进行了对比,在埃及,反殖民民族主义允许妇女在某些法律方面受益,同时“将性别关系作为更大政治项目的功能”(17)。在沙特王国,宗教民族主义涉及打破部落的军事和政治自治,即使它利用部落精神来保持“女性在男性亲属的权威下处于父权关系中”(5)。通过观察该地区的世俗和宗教民族主义及其与现代性的关系,主要是通过他们的女权话语的棱镜,拉希德展示了“在这两种情况下,女性是如何变成符号的,代表除了他们自己以外的任何东西”(17)。在沙特王国,限制女性的出现表明这个国家对伊斯兰法律的服从。Al-Rasheed调查了20世纪80年代沙特对女性的一些教令,她指出,这些教令对伊斯兰教的限制性解释被国家用来进一步限制女性在公共空间的可见度。宗教“乌拉玛”也强调女性的“情绪化”,认为她们没有能力担任国家职位和公职。这种叙述进一步被用来使沙特妇女在法律、社会和宗教方面的从属地位成为可能。为了控制她们的外表和行动,女性的身体被称为fitna的来源(作者将其翻译为“混乱”而不是“诱惑”)。根据Al-Rasheed的说法,沙特妇女面临“双重排斥”——“一方面在一般经济领域,另一方面在家庭领域”(23)。...
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