Rehabilitating the Beast

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI:10.1353/rah.2023.a911209
Douglas R. Egerton
{"title":"Rehabilitating the Beast","authors":"Douglas R. Egerton","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a911209","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Rehabilitating the Beast Douglas R. Egerton (bio) Elizabeth D. Leonard, Benjamin Franklin Butler: A Noisy, Fearless Life. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xix + 365 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $36.00. General, congressman, and governor Benjamin Franklin Butler remains one of the more mercurial figures of the Civil War and Reconstruction years. As a young Democrat and attorney, Butler took the side of laboring women against the managers and owners of cotton mills in Lowell, Massachusetts, yet for most of the antebellum years, he was silent on the question of where that cotton came from. As a delegate to the 1860 Charleston and Baltimore Democratic conventions, Butler first endorsed Illinois Senator Stephen Douglas before transferring his loyalty to Mississippi's Jefferson Davis as the best hope of defeating a Republican presidential candidate, yet in his later years as a Republican congressman, many thought Butler the most likely progressive to take up the mantle of the ailing Thaddeus Stevens. Certainly, historians have rarely known what to make of his unpredictable career and flamboyant personality. Butler's inconsistencies soundly defeated biographer Hans Trefousse, who in Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast! (1957) flattened his life into a dull affair, and as late as 1997's When the Devil Came Down to Dixie, Chester Hearn demonized his tenure in New Orleans as a charming rogue who devoted his time to enriching himself at the expense of white southerners. At last, Butler has received the proper balance in Elizabeth Leonard's masterful and elegantly written biography. Leonard, the author of numerous books about these decades, and particularly the Lincoln-Prize-winning biography of Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, knows this terrain well, of course, but as a professor at Maine's Colby College, she is also associated with the institution once known as Waterville College, where Butler studied while briefly considering a life in the ministry. (Apart from the fact that Colby has a large cache of Butler's materials, the ever-helpful Butler attempted to assist his future biographers by writing Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences (1892), which filled 1037 pages and contained another 94 pages of documents and correspondence.)1 As one has come to expect from her earlier work, Leonard's study is deeply [End Page 138] grounded in archival materials, cites ninety-eight newspapers, and draws on a small library of books and articles. Her prose is lively and clear and wonderfully free of jargon, and this is an extraordinarily readable biography for a fairly hefty volume. Although Butler is today famous, or infamous, perhaps, for his later exploits as a soldier and politician, Leonard makes wise use of his early correspondence, and that of his wife, Sarah Jones Butler, in mapping out his years as a young Democratic operative and defense attorney. Justifiably, she here finds much to admire. His support for progressive reforms, such as a secret ballot and a ten-hour day in Lowell's mills, earned him a good deal of negative ink in the Whig press. After winning a seat in the Massachusetts state legislature in 1853, Butler drafted a bill to compensate the Charlestown Ursuline convent and school that had been torched two decades before. Given the virulent anti-Catholic nativism rampant in New England at the time, Butler could not have been surprised when his bill failed, but as he confided to one supporter, his \"condition of mind\" had always led him \"to be with the underdog in the fight\" when he thought somebody \"had been wronged.\" At the same time, he opposed providing more seats in the statehouse to the Boston district, whose businessmen insisted they deserved more representation as they paid more in taxes. The state government, Butler declared, should not \"give the rich man a right to cast more votes than a poor man\" (pp. 35–37). If Butler's words echoed other northern Democrats, he was also typical of his party and region in wishing to ignore the fight over slavery in the western territories. Initially a supporter of Douglas and popular sovereignty, Butler came to doubt the Democratic front-runner could capture the electoral college in the upcoming presidential contest. 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Abstract

Rehabilitating the Beast Douglas R. Egerton (bio) Elizabeth D. Leonard, Benjamin Franklin Butler: A Noisy, Fearless Life. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xix + 365 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $36.00. General, congressman, and governor Benjamin Franklin Butler remains one of the more mercurial figures of the Civil War and Reconstruction years. As a young Democrat and attorney, Butler took the side of laboring women against the managers and owners of cotton mills in Lowell, Massachusetts, yet for most of the antebellum years, he was silent on the question of where that cotton came from. As a delegate to the 1860 Charleston and Baltimore Democratic conventions, Butler first endorsed Illinois Senator Stephen Douglas before transferring his loyalty to Mississippi's Jefferson Davis as the best hope of defeating a Republican presidential candidate, yet in his later years as a Republican congressman, many thought Butler the most likely progressive to take up the mantle of the ailing Thaddeus Stevens. Certainly, historians have rarely known what to make of his unpredictable career and flamboyant personality. Butler's inconsistencies soundly defeated biographer Hans Trefousse, who in Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast! (1957) flattened his life into a dull affair, and as late as 1997's When the Devil Came Down to Dixie, Chester Hearn demonized his tenure in New Orleans as a charming rogue who devoted his time to enriching himself at the expense of white southerners. At last, Butler has received the proper balance in Elizabeth Leonard's masterful and elegantly written biography. Leonard, the author of numerous books about these decades, and particularly the Lincoln-Prize-winning biography of Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, knows this terrain well, of course, but as a professor at Maine's Colby College, she is also associated with the institution once known as Waterville College, where Butler studied while briefly considering a life in the ministry. (Apart from the fact that Colby has a large cache of Butler's materials, the ever-helpful Butler attempted to assist his future biographers by writing Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences (1892), which filled 1037 pages and contained another 94 pages of documents and correspondence.)1 As one has come to expect from her earlier work, Leonard's study is deeply [End Page 138] grounded in archival materials, cites ninety-eight newspapers, and draws on a small library of books and articles. Her prose is lively and clear and wonderfully free of jargon, and this is an extraordinarily readable biography for a fairly hefty volume. Although Butler is today famous, or infamous, perhaps, for his later exploits as a soldier and politician, Leonard makes wise use of his early correspondence, and that of his wife, Sarah Jones Butler, in mapping out his years as a young Democratic operative and defense attorney. Justifiably, she here finds much to admire. His support for progressive reforms, such as a secret ballot and a ten-hour day in Lowell's mills, earned him a good deal of negative ink in the Whig press. After winning a seat in the Massachusetts state legislature in 1853, Butler drafted a bill to compensate the Charlestown Ursuline convent and school that had been torched two decades before. Given the virulent anti-Catholic nativism rampant in New England at the time, Butler could not have been surprised when his bill failed, but as he confided to one supporter, his "condition of mind" had always led him "to be with the underdog in the fight" when he thought somebody "had been wronged." At the same time, he opposed providing more seats in the statehouse to the Boston district, whose businessmen insisted they deserved more representation as they paid more in taxes. The state government, Butler declared, should not "give the rich man a right to cast more votes than a poor man" (pp. 35–37). If Butler's words echoed other northern Democrats, he was also typical of his party and region in wishing to ignore the fight over slavery in the western territories. Initially a supporter of Douglas and popular sovereignty, Butler came to doubt the Democratic front-runner could capture the electoral college in the upcoming presidential contest. Although he...
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道格拉斯·r·埃格顿(传记)伊丽莎白·d·伦纳德,本杰明·富兰克林·巴特勒:喧闹无畏的生活。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022年。19 + 365页。注释,参考书目和索引。36.00美元。将军、国会议员和州长本杰明·富兰克林·巴特勒仍然是内战和重建时期最善变的人物之一。作为一名年轻的民主党人和律师,巴特勒站在劳动妇女的一边,反对马萨诸塞州洛厄尔市棉纺厂的经理和老板,但在内战前的大部分时间里,他对棉花从哪里来的问题保持沉默。作为1860年查尔斯顿和巴尔的摩民主党大会的代表,巴特勒先是支持伊利诺伊州参议员斯蒂芬·道格拉斯,然后又转而支持密西西比州的杰斐逊·戴维斯,认为他最有希望击败共和党总统候选人。然而,在他担任共和党国会议员的晚年,许多人认为巴特勒最有可能继承生病的塞迪斯·史蒂文斯的衣钵。当然,历史学家很少知道如何理解他不可预测的职业生涯和张扬的个性。巴特勒的前后矛盾彻底击败了传记作家汉斯·特雷福斯,他在《本·巴特勒:南方称他为野兽!》直到1997年的《当魔鬼降临到迪克西》,切斯特·赫恩还把他在新奥尔良的任期妖魔化为一个迷人的流氓,他把时间都花在了牺牲南方白人的利益上,让自己变得富有。最后,巴特勒在伊丽莎白·伦纳德这本精湛而优雅的传记中得到了适当的平衡。伦纳德写了很多关于这几十年的书,尤其是获得林肯奖的大法官约瑟夫·霍尔特的传记,当然,她对这方面非常了解,但作为缅因州科尔比学院的教授,她也与曾经被称为沃特维尔学院的机构有联系,巴特勒曾在那里学习过,并短暂地考虑过牧师的生活。(除了科尔比拥有大量巴特勒的资料外,总是乐于助人的巴特勒还试图通过撰写巴特勒的书来帮助他未来的传记作者:《自传与个人回忆》(Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences, 1892),长达1037页,其中包含另外94页的文件和信件。1正如人们从她早期的作品中所期望的那样,伦纳德的研究深深扎根于档案材料,引用了98份报纸,并利用了一个小图书馆的书籍和文章。她的文笔生动清晰,没有行话,这是一本相当厚的传记,可读性极佳。尽管巴特勒后来作为军人和政治家的功绩在今天很出名,或者是臭名昭著,但伦纳德明智地利用了他早期的信件,以及他妻子莎拉·琼斯·巴特勒的信件,描绘了他年轻时作为民主党特工和辩护律师的岁月。毫无疑问,她在这里发现了很多值得钦佩的地方。他对进步改革的支持,如无记名投票和在洛厄尔工厂每天工作十小时,为他在辉格党报刊上赢得了大量负面报道。在1853年赢得马萨诸塞州议会席位后,巴特勒起草了一份法案,以补偿20年前被烧毁的查尔斯敦乌尔苏拉修道院和学校。考虑到当时在新英格兰肆虐的反天主教本土主义,巴特勒对他的法案失败并不感到惊讶,但正如他向一位支持者透露的那样,当他认为有人“被冤枉了”时,他的“精神状态”总是让他“在战斗中站在弱者一边”。与此同时,他反对为波士顿地区提供更多的州议会席位,因为波士顿地区的商人坚持认为,他们应该获得更多的代表席位,因为他们缴纳了更多的税款。巴特勒宣称,州政府不应该“给富人比穷人投更多票的权利”(第35-37页)。如果说巴特勒的言论与其他北方民主党人的看法一致,那么他也是他所在政党和地区的典型代表,他希望忽视西部地区围绕奴隶制的斗争。巴特勒最初是道格拉斯和人民主权的支持者,但他开始怀疑这位民主党领跑者能否在即将到来的总统竞选中赢得选举人团。虽然他……
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期刊介绍: Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.
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