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Author-title-Reviewer Index for Volume 51 (2023) 第 51 卷(2023 年)作者-标题-审稿人索引
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926396
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Author-title-Reviewer Index for Volume 51 (2023) <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <p>No. 1 (March): 1–102</p> <p>No. 2 (June): 103–211</p> <p>No. 3 (September): 213–311</p> <p>No. 4 (December): 313–405</p> <h2>_______</h2> <p><em>Abe: Abraham Lincoln in His Times</em>, 40</p> <p><em>African American Aritsts and New Deal Art Programs</em>, 160</p> <p>Andrews, Thomas G., 177</p> <p><em>Apache Diaspora: Four Centuries of Displacement and Survival, The</em>, 321</p> <p>Baumgartner, Alice L., 23</p> <p><em>Beauty and the Brain: The Science of Human Nature in Early America</em>, 341</p> <p><em>Benjamin Franklin Butler: A Noisy, Fearless Life</em>, 138</p> <p>Berger, Jane, 48</p> <p>Berman, Elizabeth Popp, 262</p> <p>Berry, Stephen, 351</p> <p><em>Beyond Doubt: The Secularization of Society</em>, 271</p> <p>Blue, Ethan, 236</p> <p>Boag, Peter, 143</p> <p><em>Bonds of Salvation: How Christianity Inspired and Limited American Abolitionism</em>, 127</p> <p>Borchert, Scott, 160</p> <p>Brinkley, Alan, 289</p> <p>Browning, Elizabeth Grennan, 313</p> <p>Burge, Daniel J., 23, 345</p> <p><em>California: An American History</em>, 108</p> <p>Calo, Mary Ann, 160</p> <p><em>Capitalist Humanitarianism</em>, 213</p> <p>Cebul, Brent, 391</p> <p>Chard, David S., 56</p> <p>Coclanis, Peter A., 68</p> <p>Conrad, Paul, 321</p> <p><em>Continent Erupts: Decolonization, Civil War, and Massacre in Postwar Asia, A</em>, 377</p> <p><em>Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It</em>, 351</p> <p>Crabtree, Sarah, 1</p> <p>Cragun, Ryan T., 271</p> <p>Crandall, Maurice, 321</p> <p><em>Cultivating Empire: Capitalism, Philanthropy, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism in Indian Country</em>, 345</p> <p>Daggar, Lori J., 345</p> <p>Davis, Rebecca L., 258</p> <p>DeLong, J. Bradford, 68</p> <p><em>Deportation Express: A History of America through Forced Removal, The</em>, 236</p> <p><em>Eastward of Good Hope: Early America in a Dangerous World</em>, 121, 329</p> <p><em>Education Trap: Schools and the Remaking of Inequality in Boston, The</em>, 244</p> <p>Egerton, Douglas R., 138</p> <p><em>Elderflora: A Modern History of Ancient Trees</em>, 313</p> <p><em>End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War, The</em>, 289</p> <p><em>Everything, All the Time, Everywhere: How We Became Postmodern</em>, 391</p> <p><em>Failed Vision of Empire: The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845–1872, A</em>, 23 <strong>[End Page 409]</strong></p> <p>Faragher, John Mack, 108</p> <p>Farmer, Jared, 313</p> <p><em>Fit Nation: The Gains and Pains of America’s Exercise Obsession</em>, 198</p> <p>Fredman, Zach, 370</p> <p>Freedman, Aaron, 289</p> <p>Freedman, Samuel G., 361</p> <p>Friedman, Danielle, 198</p> <p><em>From the New Deal to the War on Schools: Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State</em>, 244</p> <p>Geismer, Lily, 391</p>
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 第 51 卷(2023 年)第 1 期(3 月)的作者-标题-审稿人索引:1-102 No:103-211 No:213-311 第 4 期(12 月):_______ Abe: Abraham Lincoln in His Times, 40 African American Aritsts and New Deal Art Programs, 160 Andrews, Thomas G., 177 Apache Diaspora:4 Centuries of Displacement and Survival, The, 321 Baumgartner, Alice L., 23 Beauty and the Brain:早期美国的人性科学》,341 本杰明-富兰克林-巴特勒:本杰明-富兰克林-巴特勒:喧闹而无畏的一生》,138 Berger, Jane, 48 Berman, Elizabeth Popp, 262 Berry, Stephen, 351 Beyond Doubt:社会的世俗化》, 271 Blue, Ethan, 236 Boag, Peter, 143 《救赎的纽带》:基督教如何激励和限制美国废奴主义》,127 Borchert, Scott, 160 Brinkley, Alan, 289 Browning, Elizabeth Grennan, 313 Burge, Daniel J., 23, 345 California:108 Calo, Mary Ann, 160 Capitalist Humanitarianism, 213 Cebul, Brent, 391 Chard, David S., 56 Coclanis, Peter A., 68 Conrad, Paul, 321 Continent Erupts:Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It, 351 Crabtree, Sarah, 1 Cragun, Ryan T., 271 Crandall, Maurice, 321 Cultivating Empire:Capitalism, Philanthropy, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism in Indian Country, 345 Daggar, Lori J., 345 Davis, Rebecca L., 258 DeLong, J. Bradford, 68 Deportation Express:美国强制迁移史》,236 《好望角向东:危险世界中的早期美国》,121,329 《教育陷阱:波士顿的学校与不平等重塑》,244 Egerton,Douglas R.,138 Elderflora:古树名木的现代史》,313,改革的终结:改革的终结:衰退与战争中的新政自由主义》,289 《无处不在,无时不在》:我们是如何成为后现代的》,391 页,《失败的帝国愿景》:The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845-1872, A, 23 [End Page 409] Faragher, John Mack, 108 Farmer, Jared, 313 Fit Nation:The Gains and Pains of America's Exercise Obsession, 198 Fredman, Zach, 370 Freedman, Aaron, 289 Freedman, Samuel G., 361 Friedman, Danielle, 198 From the New Deal to the War on Schools:Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State, 244 Geismer, Lily, 391 Gochberg, Reed, 103, 221 Goldfield, Michael, 152 Goldsmith, William D., 244 Good Country:30 Gooding, Frederick W., Jr., 48 Gospel of Wellness:Gospel of Wellness: Gyms, Gurus, Goop, and the False Promise of Self-Care, The, 198 Green, Michael S., 8 Groeger, Cristina Viviana, 244 Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo, 86 Haunted by Slavery:自由斗争中的南方白人妇女》,86 Hayes, Bill, 198 Heathen:美国历史上的宗教与种族》,213 Heyrman, Christine Leigh, 115 History, Disrupted:History, Disrupted: How Social Media and the World Wide Web Have Changed the Past, 278 Hollinger, David A., 271 Hulsether, Lucia, 213 Igler, David, 108 Indentured Students:政府担保贷款如何让几代人陷入大学债务的泥潭》,244 《走进灿烂的阳光》:年轻的休伯特-汉弗莱和争取民权的斗争》,361 《岛屿之火》:377 Jagodinsky,Katrina,143 Jeffries,Stuart,391 Kasselstrand,Isabella,271 Kemper,Steve,377 Krohn,Raymond James,127 Lauck,Jon K.,30 Leonard,Elizabeth D.,138 Let's Get Physical:How Women Discovered Exercise and Reshaping the World,198 Li,Haimo,341 Lum,Kathryn Gin,213 Lund-Montaño,Camilo E.、56 Luskey, Brian K., 40 Magra, Chris, 121 Masur, Louis P., 8 McIlhenny, Ryan C., 127 McManus, John C., 377 McPhee-Browne, Alex, 295 Messer-Kruse, Timothy, 30 Moak, Daniel S., 244 Morrison, Dane A., 121, 329 Museum:博物馆:危机与复原的简史》,103 Musher, Sharon, 160 New Working Class:New Working Class: The Legacies of Public Se
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引用次数: 0
Apaches in Unexpected Places 意外之地的阿帕奇人
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926387
Maurice Crandall
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Apaches in Unexpected Places <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Maurice Crandall (bio) </li> </ul> Paul Conrad, <em>The Apache Diaspora: Four Centuries of Displacement and Survival</em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2021. 366 pp. Figures, maps, notes, and index. $34.95. <p>In the interest of full disclosure, this essay has taken me far too long to complete (the better part of two years). I’ve made abortive attempts at writing this essay no fewer than three times. During the writing process, I switched institutions and moved my family from one corner of the United States to another. Even more so, as a Dilzhe’e (“The Hunters,” commonly known as “Tonto”) Apache and member of the Yua’né clan (“Over the Rim People”), I have felt the weighty responsibility to review this work carefully and thoughtfully. It is not often that books come along that so powerfully engage with central elements of the Apache experience, and Paul Conrad’s <em>The Apache Diaspora: Four Centuries of Displacement and Survival</em> is clearly one such work. The questions at the heart of Conrad’s book are these: “How does one exist in a world that does not want you to exist as you are? How does one survive that which so many are not surviving? How does one start over in a foreign land or on land made foreign by colonialism?” (pp. 1–2) Conrad has attempted to answer those questions through the lens of diaspora, while utilizing as many Apache voices as he can locate in the archive.</p> <p>For starters, diaspora is an interesting choice for an overarching framework. Conrad admits that he struggled to find what felt like the right term to recount the Apache experience with colonialism. For him, survival/survivance, resistance, displacement, even genocide, are all important concepts and part of the Apache experience, but fall short. Previous frameworks, even those emanating from Apaches attempting to make sense of the recent past, have often stressed Apache mobility. For example, White Mountain Apache, Eva Tulene Watt, stated in her classic as-told-to autoethnography, <em>Don’t Let the Sun Step over You: A White Mountain Apache Family Life, 1860–1975</em> (2004):</p> <blockquote> <p>I don’t remember too much from when I was small. It seems like the family was always traveling, though, I remember that. That’s how it was in those days—people traveled all the time, looking for something to eat, looking for something to do. People went where they were needed. Wherever we went, it seems like we had <strong>[End Page 321]</strong> relatives that we stayed with. My grandmother Rose used to tell us, me and my brothers, “You have to know who your relatives are. If something happens, they’re the ones that will try to help you out.” So wherever we went, I guess that’s what we did—we got to know our relatives and learned about them.</p> </blockquote> <p>Fittingly
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 阿帕奇人在意想不到的地方 Maurice Crandall(简历) Paul Conrad,《阿帕奇人的散居地》:四个世纪的流离失所与生存。费城:费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2021 年。366 页。图表、地图、注释和索引。$34.95.为了充分披露信息,这篇文章花了我太多时间(两年之久)才完成。我曾不下三次尝试写作这篇文章,但都以失败告终。在写作过程中,我转换了工作单位,把家从美国的一个角落搬到了另一个角落。更重要的是,作为一名 Dilzhe'e("猎人",俗称 "Tonto")阿帕奇人和 Yua'né 部族("越界人")的成员,我深感责任重大,必须认真仔细地审读这部作品。保罗-康拉德(Paul Conrad)的《阿帕奇人的散居地》(The Apache Diaspora:保罗-康拉德的《阿帕奇人的散居地:四个世纪的流离失所与生存》显然就是这样一部作品。康拉德这本书的核心问题是:"一个人如何在一个世界中生存?"一个人如何在一个不希望你以自己的身份存在的世界中生存?一个人如何在许多人都无法生存的世界中生存?如何在异国他乡或被殖民主义变成异国他乡的土地上重新开始?(1-2页)康拉德试图通过散居的视角来回答这些问题,同时在档案中尽可能多地利用阿帕奇人的声音。首先,散居地是一个有趣的总体框架选择。康拉德承认,他一直在努力寻找一个合适的术语来叙述阿帕奇人的殖民主义经历。对他来说,生存/幸存、抵抗、流离失所,甚至种族灭绝,都是重要的概念,也是阿帕奇人经历的一部分,但都不够充分。以往的框架,即使是那些来自阿帕奇人的试图解释近代历史的框架,也往往强调阿帕奇人的流动性。例如,白山阿帕奇人伊娃-图琳-瓦特(Eva Tulene Watt)在她的经典自述自传《别让太阳践踏你》(Don't Let the Sun Step over You:白山阿帕奇人的家庭生活,1860-1975 年》(2004 年)中指出 我不太记得小时候的事了。不过,我记得我们家好像总是在旅行。那时候就是这样--人们一直在旅行,找东西吃,找事情做。哪里有需要,人们就去哪里。无论我们去哪里,似乎都有 [第 321 页完] 亲戚和我们住在一起。我的祖母罗斯经常告诉我们,我和我的兄弟们,"你们必须知道谁是你们的亲戚。"如果发生了什么事,他们会尽力帮助你们"。所以无论我们走到哪里,我想这就是我们所做的--认识我们的亲戚,了解他们。 恰如其分的是,康拉德进一步阐述了阿帕奇人的流动性,散居是最极端的例子,主要特征是他所说的 "被迫迁移"(第 6 页)。康拉德指出了散居的五个要素:迁徙;对祖居地的集体记忆;与祖居地的持续联系;持续的群体意识;与生活在不同地方的其他群体成员的亲缘感(第 2-3 页)。康拉德认为,阿帕奇人符合上述所有五项标准,他在书中用大量篇幅解释了阿帕奇人如何应对一系列生存挑战--灭绝战争、被强行迁移到墨西哥内陆甚至古巴、在矿山和公共工程项目中从事强制劳动、上印第安寄宿学校以及被军事监禁--他们保留了阿帕奇人的身份,与其他阿帕奇人团结在一起,并在几代人的时间里与非阿帕奇人建立了关系。虽然我起初持怀疑态度,但康拉德最终说服了我,让我相信散居地作为描述阿帕奇人(至少是某些阿帕奇人)经历的一种方式,具有普遍的实用性和适当性(稍后详述)。通过这一过程,康拉德在讲述阿帕奇人历史的过程中揭示了 "梦幻般的可怕"(第 10 页)。康拉德基本上按照时间顺序来组织他的著作,从西班牙人最早在新墨西哥殖民地遇到阿帕奇人开始,一直到 20 世纪后半期,阿帕奇人的足迹遍布不同的地貌。在许多...
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引用次数: 0
Nothing to Smile About: Quaker Capitalism and the Conquest of the Ohio Valley 没什么好笑的》(Nothing to Smile About:贵格会资本主义与征服俄亥俄河谷
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926390
Daniel J. Burge
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Nothing to Smile About: <span>Quaker Capitalism and the Conquest of the Ohio Valley</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Daniel J. Burge (bio) </li> </ul> Lori J. Daggar, <em>Cultivating Empire: Capitalism, Philanthropy, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism in Indian Country</em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022. 264 pp. $45.00. <p>If you travel throughout the region of the Ohio Valley today, you are likely to come across a variety of monuments, counties, and street names that honor an assortment of figures who helped conquer the region for the United States. In Kentucky’s capital city of Frankfort, you can visit the Old State Capitol by driving down St. Clair Street. This street was named in honor of Arthur St. Clair, a Revolutionary War veteran and governor of the Northwest Territory. Frankfort also boasts a Shelby Street, created in honor of Isaac Shelby, who served both as the first and fifth governor of Kentucky. Although most associated with Kentucky, Shelby is also honored with counties in several states in the Ohio Valley, including Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Tennessee. Travelers to Harrodsburg, a city about thirty miles south of Frankfort, will be unlikely to miss a monument that is “Dedicated to the Pioneers of Kentucky.” Carved in granite, the massive frieze depicts six figures: four men, dressed like Daniel Boone, carry guns and stare off heroically into the vast expanse. In the far left, a woman clutches her child.</p> <p>The modern historian can learn much by studying the archetypes depicted in this frieze. John Mack Faragher in <em>Daniel Boone: The Life and Legend of an American Pioneer</em> (1993) and Stephen Aron in <em>How the West Was Lost: The Transformation of Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry Clay</em> (1999) have explored Boone as man and myth, while literary scholars and historians have examined the frontiersman in popular culture.<sup>1</sup> A vast literature abounds on frontier violence, conflicts between Indigenous peoples and the U.S. military, and the War of 1812.<sup>2</sup> A growing historiography, as well, highlights the role that women—or ideas about women and their role in society—played in the conquest of the Ohio Valley.<sup>3</sup> These men and women hardly resembled the stoic figures carved into granite in Harrodsburg, but they nonetheless enabled the United States to establish a foothold in the Ohio Valley region. <strong>[End Page 345]</strong></p> <p>More recently, however, historians have begun to shift their gaze away from individuals and have instead highlighted the role of the state in the conquest of the Ohio Valley.<sup>4</sup> Notable works in this vein include Eric Hinder-aker’s <em>Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673–1800</em> (1997), William Bergmann’s <em>The American National State and the Early West</em> (2012), and Rob Ha
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: Nothing to Smile About:贵格会资本主义与俄亥俄河谷的征服》,Daniel J. Burge(简历),Lori J. Daggar,《培养帝国》:资本主义、慈善事业和美帝国主义在印第安人地区的谈判》。费城:费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2022 年。264 pp.$45.00.今天,如果您在俄亥俄河谷地区旅行,您很可能会遇到各种纪念碑、郡县和街道名称,它们都是为了纪念那些帮助美国征服该地区的人物。在肯塔基州首府法兰克福市,您可以沿着圣克莱尔街参观旧州议会大厦。这条街是为了纪念阿瑟-圣克莱尔(Arthur St. Clair)而命名的,他是一名革命战争老兵,也是西北地区的总督。法兰克福还有一条谢尔比街,是为了纪念曾担任肯塔基州第一任和第五任州长的艾萨克-谢尔比而创建的。虽然谢尔比与肯塔基州的关系最为密切,但俄亥俄河流域的几个州,包括伊利诺伊州、印第安纳州、俄亥俄州和田纳西州的郡县也都以谢尔比命名。前往法兰克福以南约 30 英里处的城市哈罗德斯堡(Harrodsburg)的游客不可能错过一座 "献给肯塔基先驱 "的纪念碑。纪念碑由花岗岩雕刻而成,巨大的楣板上刻有六个人物:四个男人穿着丹尼尔-布恩的衣服,手持枪支,英勇地注视着广袤的大地。最左侧是一位抱着孩子的妇女。现代历史学家可以通过研究这幅楣画中描绘的原型人物学到很多东西。约翰-麦克-法拉格尔(John Mack Faragher)在《丹尼尔-布恩:美国先驱的生活与传奇》(Daniel Boone: The Life and Legend of an American Pioneer)(1993 年)一书中,斯蒂芬-阿隆(Stephen Aron)在《西部是如何失落的》(How the West Was Lost:从丹尼尔-布恩到亨利-克莱的肯塔基州变迁》(1999 年)一书中对布恩这个人和神话进行了探讨,而文学家和历史学家则对大众文化中的边疆人进行了研究。2 越来越多的史学著作也强调了妇女在征服俄亥俄河谷过程中所扮演的角色--或者说是关于妇女及其社会角色的观念。3 这些男人和女人与哈罗德斯堡花岗岩上雕刻的坚毅形象几乎没有什么相似之处,但他们还是让美国在俄亥俄河谷地区站稳了脚跟。[4 这方面的著名作品包括 Eric Hinder-aker 的 Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673-1800 (1997)、William Bergmann 的 The American National State and the Early West (2012) 以及 Rob Harper 的 Unsettling the West:俄亥俄河谷的暴力与国家建设》(2018 年)。这些学者摒弃了俄亥俄河谷是由戴着浣熊皮帽、手持长枪的酣畅淋漓的个人主义者征服的论点--相反,他们展示了美国政府是如何部署军队、堡垒、邮局、税收和一系列法规,将该地区与海岸线紧密联系在一起的。洛里-J.-达格尔(Lori J. Daggar)的《培养帝国》(Cultivating Empire)一书正是在这种关于美国帝国触角的文献日益增多的情况下出版的:资本主义、慈善事业和美帝国主义在印第安人地区的谈判》一书。达格尔没有关注军事领导人、政治家或高级官僚,而是将研究重点放在了一个在很大程度上被忽视的群体上:贵格会资本家。达格尔认为,宗教作为美利坚帝国扩张的一个因素被淡化了,但它在美国的发展中起到了举足轻重的作用。她认为,"在 19 世纪早期的美国,种族、仁慈、文明和清除等观念和政策相互交织,每一种观念和政策都与美利坚帝国的形成有关"(第 3 页)。尽管之前的著作对其中的许多因素进行了单独探讨,但达格尔补充了宗教这一缺失的因素。她解释说,"《培养帝国》分析了传教士的历史和美国的文明计划","试图更好地理解这些现象中的每一个,以及它们是如何相互促进的。她解释说,"这样做的目的是为了更好地理解这两种现象,以及它们是如何相互促进的。
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引用次数: 0
The Topology of Tree Time 树状时间的拓扑结构
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926386
Elizabeth Grennan Browning
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Topology of Tree Time <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Elizabeth Grennan Browning (bio) </li> </ul> <em>Jared Farmer</em>, <em>Elderflora: A Modern History of Ancient Trees</em>. New York: Basic Books, 2022. vii + 432 pp. Bibliography, notes, and indexes. $35.00. <p>Aristotle reasoned in 350 BCE: “since time cannot exist and is unthinkable apart from the now, and the now is a kind of middle-point, uniting as it does in itself both a beginning and an end, a beginning of future time and an end of past time, it follows that there must always be time.” His accounting of the structure of time was directly opposed to Plato’s; Aristotle singled Plato out as the sole philosopher who had argued for “the creation of time, saying that it is simultaneous with the world, and that the world came into being.”<sup>1</sup> Such an ancient debate begs the perpetual question: what is the topology of time, and why does this matter for the telling of history?</p> <p>Aristotle turned to plants to help understand the nature of existence across time: “[W]e must discover the reason why trees are of an enduring constitution….Plants continually renew themselves and hence last for a long time. New shoots continually come and the others grow old, and with the roots the same thing happens….Thus it continues, one part dying and the other growing, and hence also it lives a long time.”<sup>2</sup> Trees’ simultaneity of life and death spun into longevity has long inspired wonder about the nature of time and how humans experience it.</p> <p>Historians are in the business of creating timelines and delineating periodization—mapping important junctures where inflections of change and causality appear clearly, if only for a moment. These are linear topologies: in theory, the timeline extends both forward and backward, without end. Although, for the historians’ specialized training, this pure linear model is truncated, with a periodized beginning, middle, and end, allowing us to chart the evolution of social, political, economic, and environmental developments. Whether Aristotle’s argument holds up or not, historians rarely turn our gaze from the middle of our curated timelines to contemplate his core point—a refutation of the notion that there could be a beginning or end of time. As much as we push against the dangers of teleology, historians are wedded to the straight line in conceptualizing the passage of time: more often than not, <strong>[End Page 313]</strong> time’s continual sequencing is the unquestioned disciplinary foundation upon which we go about our work.</p> <p>In trying to make sense of the myriad abstractions of time, what can we learn from the oldest known living thing on Earth? Providing a masterful and lyrical account of the modern science of tree time, Jared Farmer’s <em>Elderflora: A Modern History of Ancient Trees</em> illuminates how our
以下是内容摘录,以代替摘要: The Topology of Tree Time Elizabeth Grennan Browning (bio) Jared Farmer, Elderflora:古树的现代史》。纽约:vii + 432 页。参考书目、注释和索引。$35.00.亚里士多德在公元前 350 年推论道"既然时间不可能脱离现在而存在,也是不可想象的,而现在是一种中间点,它本身既是开始也是结束,既是未来时间的开始,也是过去时间的结束,那么,时间就必须永远存在"。他对时间结构的论述与柏拉图的论述直接对立;亚里士多德特别指出,柏拉图是唯一主张 "时间是被创造的,他说时间与世界同时存在,而世界是被创造的 "1 的哲学家。这样一场古老的辩论引出了一个永恒的问题:时间的拓扑结构是什么,为什么这与历史的叙述有关?亚里士多德求助于植物来帮助理解跨时间存在的本质:"我们必须发现树木之所以具有持久性的原因....,植物不断自我更新,因而能够长久存在。新芽不断长出,其他新芽不断变老,根部也是如此....,这样它就一直延续下去,一部分死亡,另一部分生长,因此它的寿命也很长。"2 树木的生死同时性与长寿相伴,长期以来一直激发着人们对时间本质以及人类如何体验时间的好奇。历史学家的工作是创建时间线和划分时期--绘制重要的时间节点,在这些节点上,变化和因果关系的拐点即使只是一瞬间,也会清晰地显现出来。这些都是线性拓扑结构:从理论上讲,时间线向前和向后延伸,没有终点。不过,由于历史学家的专业训练,这种纯粹的线性模型被截断了,有了按时期划分的开头、中间和结尾,使我们能够描绘出社会、政治、经济和环境发展的演变过程。无论亚里士多德的论点是否站得住脚,历史学家们很少将目光从我们策划的时间轴中间转向他的核心观点--驳斥时间可能有起点或终点的观点。尽管我们反对目的论的危险,但历史学家在构思时间的流逝时还是习惯于采用直线:[尾页 313]时间的持续排序往往是我们开展工作时毋庸置疑的学科基础。在试图理解时间的无数抽象概念时,我们能从地球上已知最古老的生物身上学到什么?贾里德-法默(Jared Farmer)的《古树现代史》(Elderflora:古树的现代史》揭示了我们的时间概念是如何与自然世界不可逆转地联系在一起的,以及我们与树木的关系是如何帮助我们想象具有韧性的未来的伦理的。法默提供了一个入门指南,告诉我们环境史学家应该如何面对过去与未来之间的悬崖,以及我们应该如何根据我们对不断变化的气候以及相关错综复杂的社会和政治变革的不断扩大的了解,解决弥漫在这一空间的即将到来的悲伤和生存恐惧感。我从法默结束的地方开始,他对大盆地刺松(Pinus longaeva)的祝福:"愿世界上永远没有更古老的生物,准确地说是已知的生物。愿地球上永远有时间的生命,无论我们知道与否"(第 360 页)。法默的临别赠言--他承认这是他多层面(但仍不可避免地是线性的)叙事的 "强迫性结局"--邀请读者去辨别源自书中重要问题的种间伦理(正如唐娜-哈拉维所说),即 "与麻烦共存",了解人类和树木如何在一个变暖的星球上共存亡。这一祝福唤起了法默对《上古之花》更广泛的目标:理解科学与神圣之间的关系;探索讲故事、记忆和民族主义在这一动态框架中所扮演的角色;以及最终确定如何在不断变化的气候中合乎伦理地生活,因为积累更多的知识并不必然会为人类带来一个更加公正的世界。
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引用次数: 0
Between Continuity and Contingency 在连续性和应变性之间
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926395
Samuel Zipp
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Between Continuity and Contingency <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Samuel Zipp (bio) </li> </ul> Brent Cebul, Lily Geismer, and Mason B. Williams, eds., <em>Shaped by the State: Toward a New Political History of the Twentieth Century</em>. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019. viii + 396 pp. Contributors and index. $38.00. Stuart Jeffries, <em>Everything, All the Time, Everywhere: How We Became Postmodern</em>. New York: Verso, 2021. 378 pp. Notes and index. $19.99. <p>What are historians for? This is the question I sensed lurking just beneath the surface of <em>Shaped by the State</em>. What might first appear as a rather by-the-numbers undertaking, a standard attempt to tote up the accomplishments and agendas of political history, hints here and there at something else altogether. The editors—and now and then the contributors—appear concerned that historians of twentieth-century U.S. politics are missing something much more profound about the country and its history, some set of underlying or persistent dynamics that have so far eluded work that has been mostly about tracking the rise and fall of governing regimes. This worry leads them toward a series of questions about historical thinking, questions that sometimes hover just in view, and other times move imperceptibly in the murky depths. Ultimately, <em>Shaped by the State</em> allows us to see how some older, somewhat neglected questions about the balance between contingency and continuity in historical writing are with us again, opening up a Pandora’s box of dilemmas last sighted a generation or so ago, when the paradigms that political history displaced—the cultural turn and the postmodern—still stalked the land.</p> <p>In introducing the volume, Brent Cebul, Lily Geismer, and Mason Williams suggest that the overall success of political history over the last two decades or so has left the field in disarray. Having made itself into the dominant tendency in the profession, political history finds itself somehow without fitting tools to account for its subject. The problem, they argue, is a fundamental failure to develop the proper understanding of “politics and historical time” (p. 4). Historians of U.S. politics, by this account, return again and again to a predictable set of stories and periodizing conventions, all of which are shaped by the concept of “crisis.” They focus on “why seemingly stable political orders crack up, and how American politics gets reconstructed in the aftermath of those <strong>[End Page 391]</strong> crack-ups” (p. 4). Stuck rerunning “established paradigms,” particularly the “rise and fall of the New Deal order” and the consolidation of modern conservatism out of the conflicts of the 1960s and 70s, they have obscured more profound “continuities” and “deeper forms of consensus” (p. 6).</p> <p>“Continuity” emerges as the keyword for this v
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: Brent Cebul、Lily Geismer 和 Mason B. Williams 编著的《国家塑造了我》(Brent Cebul, Lily Geismer, and Mason B. Williams, eds:Toward a New Political History of the Twentieth Century.芝加哥:viii + 396 pp.撰稿人和索引。$38.00.斯图尔特-杰弗里斯:《万事万物,无时无刻,无处不在:我们如何成为后现代》。New York:Verso,2021 年。378 pp.注释和索引。$19.99.历史学家是干什么的?这是潜伏在《国家塑造》一书表面之下的问题。这本书最初看起来可能只是照本宣科,是对政治史成就和议程的一次标准尝试,但在这里和那里却暗示了完全不同的东西。编者--时不时还有撰稿人--似乎担心研究 20 世纪美国政治的历史学家们遗漏了一些关于美国及其历史的更深层次的东西,即一些潜在的或持续存在的动力,而这些动力至今仍未被那些主要追踪执政政权兴衰的著作所发现。这种担忧将他们引向了一系列有关历史思维的问题,这些问题有时就在眼前徘徊,有时又在阴暗的深处潜移默化。最终,《国家塑造的历史》让我们看到,一些关于历史写作中偶然性与连续性之间平衡的古老而又被忽视的问题是如何再次出现在我们面前的,打开了一个潘多拉魔盒,其中的困境在一代人左右的时间里还未曾出现过,当时政治史所取代的范式--文化转向和后现代--仍在这片土地上肆虐。布伦特-塞布尔(Brent Cebul)、莉莉-盖斯默(Lily Geismer)和梅森-威廉姆斯(Mason Williams)在介绍本卷时指出,政治史在过去二十年左右取得的整体成功使该领域陷入混乱。政治史在成为该领域的主导趋势之后,却发现自己在某种程度上没有合适的工具来解释自己的研究对象。他们认为,问题的根本原因在于未能正确理解 "政治与历史时间"(第 4 页)。按照这种说法,美国政治史学家们一次又一次地回到了一套可预测的故事和时期划分惯例中,而所有这些都是由 "危机 "概念所塑造的。他们关注的重点是 "为什么看似稳定的政治秩序会破裂,以及美国政治如何在这些[第391页]破裂之后得到重建"(第4页)。这些研究陷入了 "既有范式 "的重演,尤其是 "新政秩序的兴衰 "以及现代保守主义在 20 世纪 60 年代和 70 年代的冲突中的巩固,从而掩盖了更深刻的 "连续性 "和 "更深层次的共识形式"(第 6 页)。"连续性 "成为本卷的关键词。尽管书名可能会让人联想到 "让国家回归 "或更全面地阐述社会运动与国家之间关系的尝试--这两种尝试都标志着政治史在千禧年之后的几年里在美国历史系中占据了主导地位。从表面上看,书名是为了表达与政治发展史学家作品的亲和力,这些史学家认为国家权力在一个本应分散的国家中具有长期(因而 "持续")的重要性。但编者--以及部分撰稿人--似乎最想说明的是,有一些总体性的结构现象塑造了国家。导言的真正精力在于论证全球资本主义、白人至上主义、父权制和性问题、美国例外论、美国军事和帝国主义力量、法律或财产制度、大都市、城市和农村的空间划分、囚禁状态、移民、消费以及其他各种 "社会、文化、空间和经济因素 "等力量在传统的政治危机故事中的不和谐映射。编者非常欣赏他们所谓的 "非官方政治历史学家"(第 7 页)。Margot Canaday、N.D.B. Connolly 和 Mae Ngai 的著作向我们展示了 "美国国家及其盛行的意识形态和政党是如何被规范性价值观和假设所构建的",并 "反过来通过治理将......这些同样根深蒂固的价值观嵌入其中"(第 7 页)。
{"title":"Between Continuity and Contingency","authors":"Samuel Zipp","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a926395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a926395","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; Between Continuity and Contingency &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Samuel Zipp (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; Brent Cebul, Lily Geismer, and Mason B. Williams, eds., &lt;em&gt;Shaped by the State: Toward a New Political History of the Twentieth Century&lt;/em&gt;. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019. viii + 396 pp. Contributors and index. $38.00. Stuart Jeffries, &lt;em&gt;Everything, All the Time, Everywhere: How We Became Postmodern&lt;/em&gt;. New York: Verso, 2021. 378 pp. Notes and index. $19.99. &lt;p&gt;What are historians for? This is the question I sensed lurking just beneath the surface of &lt;em&gt;Shaped by the State&lt;/em&gt;. What might first appear as a rather by-the-numbers undertaking, a standard attempt to tote up the accomplishments and agendas of political history, hints here and there at something else altogether. The editors—and now and then the contributors—appear concerned that historians of twentieth-century U.S. politics are missing something much more profound about the country and its history, some set of underlying or persistent dynamics that have so far eluded work that has been mostly about tracking the rise and fall of governing regimes. This worry leads them toward a series of questions about historical thinking, questions that sometimes hover just in view, and other times move imperceptibly in the murky depths. Ultimately, &lt;em&gt;Shaped by the State&lt;/em&gt; allows us to see how some older, somewhat neglected questions about the balance between contingency and continuity in historical writing are with us again, opening up a Pandora’s box of dilemmas last sighted a generation or so ago, when the paradigms that political history displaced—the cultural turn and the postmodern—still stalked the land.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In introducing the volume, Brent Cebul, Lily Geismer, and Mason Williams suggest that the overall success of political history over the last two decades or so has left the field in disarray. Having made itself into the dominant tendency in the profession, political history finds itself somehow without fitting tools to account for its subject. The problem, they argue, is a fundamental failure to develop the proper understanding of “politics and historical time” (p. 4). Historians of U.S. politics, by this account, return again and again to a predictable set of stories and periodizing conventions, all of which are shaped by the concept of “crisis.” They focus on “why seemingly stable political orders crack up, and how American politics gets reconstructed in the aftermath of those &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 391]&lt;/strong&gt; crack-ups” (p. 4). Stuck rerunning “established paradigms,” particularly the “rise and fall of the New Deal order” and the consolidation of modern conservatism out of the conflicts of the 1960s and 70s, they have obscured more profound “continuities” and “deeper forms of consensus” (p. 6).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;“Continuity” emerges as the keyword for this v","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140842226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Watch the Morgues 观看停尸房
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926391
Susan J. Pearson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Watch the Morgues <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Susan J. Pearson (bio) </li> </ul> <em>Stephen Berry</em>, <em>Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It</em>. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xviii + 119pp. Figures, graph, notes, and index. $21.95 <p>In 2021, the British medical journal <em>The Lancet</em> published a study showing that more than half of all deaths that occur in police custody in the United States go unreported. Most states do not require that death certificates indicate whether a death occurred while in custody, and a 2014 federal law requiring law enforcement to report such deaths has generated no public data. Among the Black men who die at the hands of police, a <em>New York Times</em> investigation found that medical examiners and coroners sometimes listed the cause of death as “sickle cell traits” despite the fact that the deceased were attacked by police.<sup>1</sup> In the case of George Floyd, murdered by Minneapolis police, the county medical examiner ruled his death a homicide. This was both exceptional and critical to the eventual indictment and conviction of officer Derek Chauvin.</p> <p>Clearly, it matters how we record death. Knowing who dies and how they die enables a society to track everything from epidemic disease to structural inequality. In his new book, <em>Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It</em>, Stephen Berry helps historicize such grim accounting. Besides being the author of numerous books about the nineteenth-century United States, Berry is the creator of the digital history project <em>CSI: Dixie</em>, which gathers together and analyzes coroner’s inquests from South Carolina between 1800 and 1900. In both that project, and in <em>Count the Dead</em> (originally delivered as the Steven and Janice Brose Lectures in the Civil War Era at Penn State University), Berry is interested in “the dead as data” (p. ix). That is, he is interested not only in how we came to think of information about dead people as useful data but why. It matters, he argues, because counting the dead has led not only to improvements in public health, but also to improvements in Americans’ ability to reckon with the social and moral dimensions of death. When we know how many people die and how, we can assess whether their deaths have been just or fair.</p> <p>Quantification and allied topics such as abstraction and standardization are quite hot among U.S. historians. Once largely the domain of historians <strong>[End Page 351]</strong> of science like Ted Porter, numbers and the things that people do with them have entered the mainstream. This is thanks in part to historians of statecraft and statebuilding who, following in the tradition of the anthropologists such as James Scott and Ann Laura Stoler, see counting, mapping,
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 观察停尸房 苏珊-J-皮尔森(简历) 斯蒂芬-贝瑞,《数死人:验尸官、计算员和我们所知的死亡的诞生》。查珀尔希尔:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022 年。xviii + 119页。数字、图表、注释和索引。21.95 美元 2021 年,英国医学杂志《柳叶刀》发表的一项研究显示,美国警方拘留期间发生的所有死亡事件中,有一半以上未被报告。大多数州不要求在死亡证明上注明死亡是否发生在拘留期间,2014 年联邦法律要求执法部门报告此类死亡,但没有产生任何公开数据。在死于警察之手的黑人男子中,《纽约时报》的一项调查发现,尽管死者遭到警察袭击,但法医和验尸官有时会将死因列为 "镰状细胞特征"。1 在乔治-弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被明尼阿波利斯警方杀害一案中,县法医裁定他的死亡为他杀,这既是例外,也是最终起诉警官德里克-乔文并将其定罪的关键。显然,我们如何记录死亡很重要。知道谁死了,怎么死的,社会就能追踪从流行病到结构性不平等的一切。斯蒂芬-贝里(Stephen Berry)在他的新书《数死人:验尸官、经济学家和我们所知的死亡的诞生》(Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It)中,帮助我们将这种严峻的记录历史化。除了撰写了多部关于十九世纪美国的著作外,贝里还是数字历史项目 "CSI:Dixie "的创建者,该项目收集并分析了南卡罗来纳州 1800 年至 1900 年间的验尸官调查报告。无论是在该项目中,还是在《数逝者》(Count the Dead,原为宾夕法尼亚州立大学内战时期史蒂文和珍妮丝-布罗斯讲座)中,贝里都对 "作为数据的逝者"(第 ix 页)感兴趣。也就是说,他感兴趣的不仅是我们如何将死者的信息视为有用的数据,还有为什么。他认为,这很重要,因为计算死亡人数不仅改善了公共卫生,还提高了美国人对死亡的社会和道德层面进行思考的能力。当我们知道有多少人死亡以及如何死亡时,我们就可以评估他们的死亡是否公正或公平。量化以及抽象化和标准化等相关话题在美国历史学家中相当热门。数字以及人们利用数字所做的事情曾经在很大程度上是特德-波特(Ted Porter)这样的科学史家[第351页完]的领域,如今已进入主流。这在一定程度上要归功于研究国家治理和国家建设的历史学家,他们继承了詹姆斯-斯科特(James Scott)和安-劳拉-斯托尔(Ann Laura Stoler)等人类学家的传统,将计数、绘图、分类以及其他类似的文献项目视为帝国和民族国家现代化项目的核心。米歇尔-福柯(Michel Foucault)的长长影子也在这里闪现,因为福柯强调知识与权力之间的联系,将人文科学以及国家对其人口进行统计和分类的相关工作置于国家机器的中心而非边缘。2 同样,对资本主义历史的兴趣也为人类活动如何被抽象为数据的研究注入了新的活力。帕特里夏-克莱恩-科恩(Patricia Cline Cohen)的开创性著作《计算的民族》(A Calculating People,1999 年)专业地记录了美国人在共和国早期对量化信息的渴求。从记录大西洋帝国世界保险业的诞生到其与种植园奴隶制的结合,从将被奴役的男人和女人抽象为 "手 "的单位和种植园会计实践的完善,到天气和作物预报的诞生以及将国家进步简化为国内生产总值和消费物价指数,历史学家将数据置于奴隶制和资本主义的黑暗中心。然而,尽管近来人们对国家和市场如何将人类生活和人类活动抽象为可量化、可替代的信息包,从而为商业车轮涂上油脂,并使资本主义得以发展的兴趣不减。
{"title":"Watch the Morgues","authors":"Susan J. Pearson","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a926391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a926391","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; Watch the Morgues &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Susan J. Pearson (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;em&gt;Stephen Berry&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It&lt;/em&gt;. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xviii + 119pp. Figures, graph, notes, and index. $21.95 &lt;p&gt;In 2021, the British medical journal &lt;em&gt;The Lancet&lt;/em&gt; published a study showing that more than half of all deaths that occur in police custody in the United States go unreported. Most states do not require that death certificates indicate whether a death occurred while in custody, and a 2014 federal law requiring law enforcement to report such deaths has generated no public data. Among the Black men who die at the hands of police, a &lt;em&gt;New York Times&lt;/em&gt; investigation found that medical examiners and coroners sometimes listed the cause of death as “sickle cell traits” despite the fact that the deceased were attacked by police.&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; In the case of George Floyd, murdered by Minneapolis police, the county medical examiner ruled his death a homicide. This was both exceptional and critical to the eventual indictment and conviction of officer Derek Chauvin.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Clearly, it matters how we record death. Knowing who dies and how they die enables a society to track everything from epidemic disease to structural inequality. In his new book, &lt;em&gt;Count the Dead: Coroners, Quants, and the Birth of Death as We Know It&lt;/em&gt;, Stephen Berry helps historicize such grim accounting. Besides being the author of numerous books about the nineteenth-century United States, Berry is the creator of the digital history project &lt;em&gt;CSI: Dixie&lt;/em&gt;, which gathers together and analyzes coroner’s inquests from South Carolina between 1800 and 1900. In both that project, and in &lt;em&gt;Count the Dead&lt;/em&gt; (originally delivered as the Steven and Janice Brose Lectures in the Civil War Era at Penn State University), Berry is interested in “the dead as data” (p. ix). That is, he is interested not only in how we came to think of information about dead people as useful data but why. It matters, he argues, because counting the dead has led not only to improvements in public health, but also to improvements in Americans’ ability to reckon with the social and moral dimensions of death. When we know how many people die and how, we can assess whether their deaths have been just or fair.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Quantification and allied topics such as abstraction and standardization are quite hot among U.S. historians. Once largely the domain of historians &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 351]&lt;/strong&gt; of science like Ted Porter, numbers and the things that people do with them have entered the mainstream. This is thanks in part to historians of statecraft and statebuilding who, following in the tradition of the anthropologists such as James Scott and Ann Laura Stoler, see counting, mapping, ","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140842329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Tragedy of Phrenology and Physiognomy 面相学的悲剧
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a926389
Haimo Li
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Tragedy of Phrenology and Physiognomy <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Haimo Li (bio) </li> </ul> Rachel E. Walker, <em>Beauty and the Brain: The Science of Human Nature in Early America</em>. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2022. 288 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $45.00. <p>Between the 1770s and the 1860s, physiognomy and phrenology were very popular sciences in America. Both elite intellectuals and ordinary men and women tended to buy into their core (and essentially prejudicial) teaching: that “facial features or skull shape could reveal a person’s intelligence, character, and personality,” that “countenances and craniums reveal people’s inner capacities,” and that “external beauty is a sign of internal worth” (p. 145). In this new book, historian Rachel E. Walker offers us a clear and thorough account of the details and fate of these popular sciences of human nature in Early America.</p> <p>Walker nicely displays how the American founding generation deliberately used the ideas of physiognomy “to craft an idealized vision of the disinterested republican citizen” and “superior specimens of humanity” (pp. 14–15). The teachings of physiognomy and phrenology also suggested that “old hierarchies were not only legitimate but also based on bodily realities” (pp. 23–24), “wealthy white men” tended always to have “better brains and bodies than their compatriots” (p. 5), so it would be absurd (and futile) to challenge the exclusive sociopolitical status occupied by established elites. Walker also shows that beginning from the 1830s, physiognomists and phrenologists had broadened their attention to the heads and faces of Native peoples and people of African descent, mainly in order to prove that members of these groups were intrinsically inferior to white people. Many physiognomists believed that physiognomy “demonstrated the reasonableness of racial hierarchies” (p. 66). Building on this foundation, new groups of craniometrists and ethnologists emerged, their main arguments and purposes generally similar to the old groups of physiognomists and phrenologists. Together, these intellectuals formed the so-called science of “a racist ethnological system,” which was firmly based on “the faulty assumption that external beauty conveyed internal worth” (pp. 65–68). “Working women, immigrants, and women of color” had also been depicted as “inferior” in human capacity (p. 70). According to physiognomy <strong>[End Page 341]</strong> and phrenology, there exists a “clear hierarchy of humanity” (p. 74). Within this structure, there were some physiognomists and phrenologists with more progressive mindsets, but they still expressed and participated in a system of “bigotry” (pp. 75–76).</p> <p>Even as physiognomists and phrenologists “dangled the promise of personal betterment before the United States population,” they never reall
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 肾相学和相术的悲剧 李海茂(简历) Rachel E. Walker, Beauty and the Brain:早期美国的人性科学》。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022 年。288 页。注释、参考书目和索引。$45.00.在 17 世纪 70 年代到 18 世纪 60 年代期间,相术和相面术在美国是非常流行的科学。无论是精英知识分子还是普通男女,都倾向于接受它们的核心(本质上是偏见)教义:"面部特征或头骨形状可以揭示一个人的智力、性格和个性","面容和头盖骨可以揭示人的内在能力",以及 "外在美是内在价值的标志"(第 145 页)。在这本新书中,历史学家蕾切尔-E-沃克(Rachel E. Walker)清晰透彻地为我们讲述了这些流行的人性科学在早期美国的细节和命运。沃克很好地展示了美国建国一代是如何有意识地利用相术思想 "来塑造无私的共和公民的理想化形象 "和 "人性的优秀标本"(第 14-15 页)。相学和膈相学的教义还表明,"旧的等级制度不仅是合法的,而且是基于身体的现实"(第 23-24 页),"富有的白人 "往往总是 "比他们的同胞拥有更好的头脑和身体"(第 5 页),因此,挑战既有精英所占据的排他性社会政治地位是荒谬的(也是徒劳的)。沃克还指出,从 19 世纪 30 年代开始,相面学家和面相学家将注意力扩大到土著人和非洲裔人的头部和面部,主要是为了证明这些群体的成员在本质上不如白人。许多相面学家认为,相面学 "证明了种族等级制度的合理性"(第 66 页)。在此基础上,出现了新的颅面测量学家和人种学家群体,他们的主要论点和目的与旧的相面学家和颅面学家群体大体相似。这些知识分子共同形成了所谓的 "种族主义人种学体系 "科学,其坚实的基础是 "外在美传达内在价值的错误假设"(第 65-68 页)。"劳动妇女、移民和有色人种妇女 "也被描绘成 "低人一等 "的人(第 70 页)。根据面相学 [第 341 页完] 和膈相学,存在着 "明显的人类等级结构"(第 74 页)。在这一结构中,有一些相士和膈相学家的思想更为进步,但他们仍然表达并参与了 "偏执 "体系(第 75-76 页)。即使相士和相面术士 "在美国民众面前许下了改善个人生活的承诺",他们也从未真正提供 "消除美国最根深蒂固的结构性不平等的连贯路线图"。相反,他们只是 "再现了美国民主核心的不一致性,在培育功利可能性的希望愿景的同时,科学地合理化了 19 世纪美国社会存在的等级制度"(第 46 页)。进入 19 世纪 70 年代,颅骨学、进化生物学和体质人类学等新领域的知识分子基本上不再将相面术和颅相学视为严肃的学术科学,常常将这些老式理论斥之为 "庸医"(第 198 页)。然而,正如沃克所指出的,几乎所有这些所谓的新领域本身都 "建立在相学理论之上,默默地延续着其中一些最基本的学说"(第 198 页)。此外,它们不仅 "验证了相学和膈相学将人类差异植根于身体的必要性",而且还剥夺了这些旧 "科学""先前的可塑性,同时将其最决定论的冲动奉为圭臬"(第 199 页)。最终,这种伪科学联盟帮助迎来了优生学运动。沃克承认,她并不是第一个发现相术和相面术在 19 世纪中叶的美国日益流行的学者。然而,由于之前的学者几乎都关注故事的阴暗面,即描述 "社会不平等是自然现实 "和寻找 "人类形态中社会等级的证据 "的倾向,他们忽略了积极的因素(第 78 页)。对于许多 19 世纪中期的美国人来说,他们相信相术和颅相学并不一定意味着他们 "相信身体是永恒不变的躯壳"(第 78 页)。相反,在他们看来,相学和颅相学的基本价值在于,这些所谓的科学从未无情地排除 "所有......的可能性"。
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引用次数: 0
Queer History and Domestic Possibilities 同性恋历史与家庭的可能性
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917240
Rebecca L. Davis
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Queer History and Domestic Possibilities <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rebecca L. Davis (bio) </li> </ul> Stephen Vider, <em>The Queerness of Home: Gender, Sexuality, and the Politics of Domesticity after World War II</em>. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 2021. 300 pp. Illustrations, notes, and index. $29.00. <p>Stephen Vider’s poignant addition to the history of sexuality in the United States begins with an invitation to domestic familiarity. He vividly renders a scene from the 1990 documentary, <em>We Care: A Video for Care Providers of People Affected by AIDS</em>, centering the voice of Marie, a fifty-five-year-old, HIV–positive African American woman living in Brooklyn, as she welcomes the filmmakers into her apartment. Although Black women are not the primary focus of the book, Marie’s invitation into her home highlights several of the book’s intersecting themes: the importance of home-making to HIV/AIDS and LGBTQ political activism; the significance of oft-overlooked primary sources, such as video (as well as cookbooks, architectural plans, and family albums); and “how performances of domesticity” shaped post–World War II LGBTQ political movements, ideals, and identities (p. 26).</p> <p>Vider excels at interpreting material objects of domesticity for insights into cultural and political history. He argues that although historians of post-World War II domesticity have tended to frame those decades as a period of normative (and often oppressive) heterosexuality and conformist gender ideals, LGBTQ people during the same period created alternative spaces—real and imagined—of queer domesticity. “Home” offered LGBTQ activists resources for resistance and assimilation, Vider finds; “they adapted, challenged, and reshaped domestic conventions at the same time they reaffirmed the home as a privileged site of intimate, communal, and national belonging” (p. 3). The resulting study provides a two-fold narrative: “a private counterhistory of LGBTQ liberation and rights in the United States” and “a queer counterhistory of American domesticity” (p. 26). This intervention stands as an important reminder that scholars in a field premised in part on the disruption of binary categories, such as public/private, must be vigilant not to recreate those binaries in their work.</p> <p><em>The Queerness of Home</em> additionally speaks to the importance of privacy as a central theme in LGBTQ history and the history of sexuality more broadly <strong>[End Page 258]</strong> in the United States. Recent books, such as <em>Intimate States: Gender, Sexuality, and Governance in Modern US History</em> (2021), a collection of essays edited by Nancy Cott, Margot Canaday, and Robert Self, as well as books such as Anna Lvovsky’s <em>Vice Patrol: Cops, Courts, and the Struggle over Urban Gay Life before Stonewall</em> (2021), demonstrate how p
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 同性恋历史与家庭的可能性 Rebecca L. Davis (bio) Stephen Vider, The Queerness of Home:Gender, Sexuality, and the Politics of Domesticity after World War II.芝加哥,伊利诺伊州:芝加哥大学出版社,2021 年。300 pp.插图、注释和索引。$29.00.斯蒂芬-维德(Stephen Vider)为美国性史添上了浓墨重彩的一笔。他生动地再现了 1990 年纪录片《我们关心》中的一个场景:他生动地再现了 1990 年纪录片《我们关心:艾滋病患者护理人员视频》中的一个场景,以居住在布鲁克林的 55 岁艾滋病毒呈阳性的非裔美国妇女玛丽的声音为中心,她欢迎制片人进入她的公寓。虽然黑人妇女并不是本书的主要关注点,但玛丽受邀进入她家的举动凸显了本书几个相互交叉的主题:家庭制作对艾滋病和 LGBTQ 政治活动的重要性;录像(以及烹饪书、建筑图纸和家庭相册)等经常被忽视的原始资料的重要性;以及 "家政表演 "如何塑造了二战后的 LGBTQ 政治运动、理想和身份(第 26 页)。维德擅长通过解读家庭生活中的物质物品来洞察文化和政治历史。他认为,尽管研究二战后家庭生活的历史学家们倾向于将这几十年的生活定格为规范的(通常是压迫性的)异性恋和循规蹈矩的性别理想时期,但同一时期的 LGBTQ 们却创造了另类空间--真实的和想象中的同性恋家庭生活。维德发现,"家 "为 LGBTQ 活动家提供了抵抗和同化的资源;"他们调整、挑战和重塑了家庭传统,同时重申了家是亲密、社区和国家归属的特权场所"(第 3 页)。由此产生的研究提供了双重叙事:"美国 LGBTQ 解放和权利的私人反历史 "和 "美国家庭的同性恋反历史"(第 26 页)。这一干预是一个重要的提醒,即在一定程度上以破坏二元范畴(如公共/私人范畴)为前提的领域中,学者们必须保持警惕,不要在他们的作品中再现这些二元范畴。此外,《家的阙如》还说明了隐私作为美国 LGBTQ 历史和更广义的性史 [尾页 258]的核心主题的重要性。最近出版的书籍,如《亲密国家》(Intimate States:由南希-科特(Nancy Cott)、玛格特-卡纳代(Margot Canaday)和罗伯特-萨菲(Robert Self)编辑的论文集《亲密国家:美国现代史中的性别、性和治理》(2021 年),以及安娜-利沃夫斯基(Anna Lvovsky)的《警察、法院和性犯罪》(Vice Patrol:Cops, Courts, and the Struggle over Urban Gay Life before Stonewall》(2021 年)等书,都展示了隐私在 20 世纪如何成为种族化异性恋的特权。加强对同性恋空间和同性恋者的治安管理,使渴望同性和性别不符者受到前所未有的公开曝光,政府对他们的性身份和性别身份进行监管。维德为这些著作增添了新的见解,即同性恋活动家如何从将家庭视为他们希望保护免受国家干涉的领域,转变为将国家 "视为保护日常实践、特权和权利的盟友,而家庭空间被假定为是这些实践、特权和权利的保障"(第 4 页)。在提出这一论点时,维德宣称了一种史学干预:如果说大多数美国家庭史都假定家庭是规范的异性恋,那么大多数 LGBTQ 活动史则将这种活动定位于公共和商业空间,如酒吧、社区中心、教堂、法庭和城市街道。维德略微夸大了同性恋史中家庭空间和家庭营造的缺失,这一点在他出色的导言中对之前学者的回顾中已经默认。尽管如此,正是维德对同性恋家庭生活的政治意义的强调,使本书有别于其他研究。本书分为三个部分--融合、革命和改革--每个部分都有两章。从整体上看,这三个部分涵盖的主题非常广泛,从 20 世纪 50 年代同性恋组织对男女同性恋婚姻的支持(作为心理 "适应 "的证明),到 20 世纪 70 年代为无家可归的同性恋青年提供庇护所的活动,以及 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代为艾滋病毒/艾滋病感染者提供庇护所的活动,不一而足。"整合 "以 20 世纪 50 年代的同性恋活动家开篇,维德显示,他们优先考虑同性恋的家庭生活,因为......
{"title":"Queer History and Domestic Possibilities","authors":"Rebecca L. Davis","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917240","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; Queer History and Domestic Possibilities &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Rebecca L. Davis (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; Stephen Vider, &lt;em&gt;The Queerness of Home: Gender, Sexuality, and the Politics of Domesticity after World War II&lt;/em&gt;. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 2021. 300 pp. Illustrations, notes, and index. $29.00. &lt;p&gt;Stephen Vider’s poignant addition to the history of sexuality in the United States begins with an invitation to domestic familiarity. He vividly renders a scene from the 1990 documentary, &lt;em&gt;We Care: A Video for Care Providers of People Affected by AIDS&lt;/em&gt;, centering the voice of Marie, a fifty-five-year-old, HIV–positive African American woman living in Brooklyn, as she welcomes the filmmakers into her apartment. Although Black women are not the primary focus of the book, Marie’s invitation into her home highlights several of the book’s intersecting themes: the importance of home-making to HIV/AIDS and LGBTQ political activism; the significance of oft-overlooked primary sources, such as video (as well as cookbooks, architectural plans, and family albums); and “how performances of domesticity” shaped post–World War II LGBTQ political movements, ideals, and identities (p. 26).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Vider excels at interpreting material objects of domesticity for insights into cultural and political history. He argues that although historians of post-World War II domesticity have tended to frame those decades as a period of normative (and often oppressive) heterosexuality and conformist gender ideals, LGBTQ people during the same period created alternative spaces—real and imagined—of queer domesticity. “Home” offered LGBTQ activists resources for resistance and assimilation, Vider finds; “they adapted, challenged, and reshaped domestic conventions at the same time they reaffirmed the home as a privileged site of intimate, communal, and national belonging” (p. 3). The resulting study provides a two-fold narrative: “a private counterhistory of LGBTQ liberation and rights in the United States” and “a queer counterhistory of American domesticity” (p. 26). This intervention stands as an important reminder that scholars in a field premised in part on the disruption of binary categories, such as public/private, must be vigilant not to recreate those binaries in their work.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Queerness of Home&lt;/em&gt; additionally speaks to the importance of privacy as a central theme in LGBTQ history and the history of sexuality more broadly &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 258]&lt;/strong&gt; in the United States. Recent books, such as &lt;em&gt;Intimate States: Gender, Sexuality, and Governance in Modern US History&lt;/em&gt; (2021), a collection of essays edited by Nancy Cott, Margot Canaday, and Robert Self, as well as books such as Anna Lvovsky’s &lt;em&gt;Vice Patrol: Cops, Courts, and the Struggle over Urban Gay Life before Stonewall&lt;/em&gt; (2021), demonstrate how p","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139414130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
When History Is Not History 当历史不再是历史
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917243
Brian Steele
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> When History Is Not History <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brian Steele (bio) </li> </ul> Jason Steinhauer, <em>History, Disrupted: How Social Media and the World Wide Web Have Changed the Past</em>. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature, 2022. vii + 160pp. Notes and index. <p>It’s possible to argue that more history is more widely available than ever before in human… well, history, but Jason Steinhauer thinks that most of it isn’t, strictly speaking, history at all; and he makes a disturbingly cogent case that the internet has the potential to render—indeed already is rendering—history proper altogether obsolete. He is particularly concerned to distinguish “professional” history—which has, he says, <em>intrinsic</em> value—from what he labels “e-history,” the historically oriented podcasts, tweets, short-form videos, and blog posts that seem to have cornered the history market on what Steinhauer calls, somewhat awkwardly (if precisely), the “Social Web,” which more and more of us tend to entrust with our questions about the past. Steinhauer is, in his way, foretelling a new “End of History,” and it’s not the Fukuyama kind.</p> <p>The internet has made professional/academic scholarship more efficient in multiple ways, and the digital humanities have made the tools and products of academic research more widely accessible: the proliferation of digitized archives, online versions of academic journals and books, and recorded lectures, conferences, conversations, and courses has surely facilitated historical scholarship, and, presumably, historical understanding. But Steinhauer wants to distinguish this widespread availability of professional history from the explosion and increasing dominance of “e-history”: “discrete media products that package an element, or elements, of the past for consumption on the social Web and which try to leverage the social Web in order to gain visibility” (p. 1).</p> <p>In a nutshell, Steinhauer’s ultimate argument is this: “the values that underpin the professional discipline of history are at odds with the values that underpin the social Web” (p. 9). Professional history, he writes, is an “expertcentric, always-evolving intellectual pursuit that is time-consuming and rests on its intrinsic value. The social Web is a user-centric, data-driven commercial enterprise that is instantly gratifying and privileges extrinsic value” (p. 9). And here is the key insight: insofar as history is wrenched into the platforms of <strong>[End Page 278]</strong> the social web, its goals, irrespective of the intentions of the historians themselves, necessarily become transmuted to fit, and ultimately to serve, those of the platforms themselves. The more that happens, Steinhauer fears, the more “e-history” will become “a proxy for all history” (p. 7).</p> <p>Marshall McLuhan lurks in the background (though he only appears
以下是内容摘录,以代替摘要: 当历史不再是历史 布赖恩-斯蒂尔(简历) Jason Steinhauer,《历史,被颠覆:社交媒体和万维网如何改变了过去。瑞士查姆:vii + 160pp.注释和索引。可以说,在人类......好吧,历史中,有更多的历史比以往任何时候都更容易获得,但杰森-斯坦豪尔认为,严格来说,其中大部分根本不是历史;他提出了一个令人不安的有力论据,即互联网有可能使--事实上已经在使--历史本身变得完全过时。他特别关注如何将 "专业 "历史(他说专业历史有其内在价值)与他称之为 "电子历史 "的东西区分开来。"电子历史 "指的是以历史为导向的播客、推特、短视频和博客文章,这些东西似乎已经占领了斯坦豪尔所说的 "社交网络 "上的历史市场。斯坦豪尔用他的方式预言了新的 "历史终结",而且不是福山所说的那种。互联网以多种方式提高了专业/学术研究的效率,而数字人文学科则使学术研究的工具和产品更易于获取:数字化档案、学术期刊和书籍的在线版本以及录制的讲座、会议、对话和课程的普及无疑促进了历史学术研究,大概也促进了对历史的理解。但是,斯坦豪尔希望将这种专业历史的广泛普及与 "电子历史 "的爆炸式增长和日益占主导地位区分开来:电子历史 "是指 "将过去的一个或多个元素包装起来,供人们在社交网络上消费,并试图利用社交网络获得知名度的离散媒体产品"(第 1 页)。一言以蔽之,Steinhauer 的最终论点是这样的:"支撑历史专业学科的价值观与支撑社交网络的价值观格格不入"(第 9 页)。他写道,专业历史是一种 "以专家为中心、不断发展的知识追求,它耗费时间并依赖于其内在价值。而社交网络则是以用户为中心、数据驱动的商业企业,它能即时满足用户的需求,注重外在价值"(第 9 页)。关键的见解就在这里:只要历史被纳入社交网络的平台,那么无论历史学家本身的意图如何,历史的目标必然会被改变,以适应并最终服务于平台本身的目标。斯坦豪尔担心,这种情况越严重,"电子历史 "就越会成为 "所有历史的代理"(第 7 页)。马歇尔-麦克卢汉(Marshall McLuhan)潜伏在背景中(尽管他只在一个尾注中出现过)。事实上,斯坦豪尔的基本观点是,"社交网络"(媒介)从属于或改变历史(信息),以适应其自身的价值观和优先事项。正如阮氏(C. Thi Nguyen)所证明的那样,Twitter 将传播 "游戏化",从而削弱了我们对传播的丰富目标(理解、深思熟虑、寻求真理),使其沦为对 Twitter 所提供奖励(点击、点赞、转发)的追求,而这些奖励往往与最初的目标相悖。1 换句话说,专业历史显然可以在网络上生存,但却无法吸引大量关注,而这正是电子历史及其平台的优势所在。专业历史不会引起点击和转发。与此相反,那些能引起点击和转发的东西并没有真正在做专业历史学家想做的事情。这就引出了一个问题:专业历史学家想要做什么?斯坦豪尔在解读电子历史时所依据的专业历史是什么?首先,斯坦豪尔认为,本刊的所有读者都知道,专业历史是耗时的,因此,专业历史的专业性来自于对历史资料和历史世界的深度沉浸。正是这种长时间的浸润,让专业历史学家能够将事件和论点与背景联系起来,帮助我们将过去理解为一种与我们格格不入的东西,通过挑战我们的桎梏来确定我们的方向,或者至少教会我们认识到这些桎梏本身也是历史性的。换句话说,经过时间浸泡的专业历史会产生历史理解。而对历史的理解往往又反过来产生了对历史的......
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引用次数: 0
Structuring Museums Usefully 有效构建博物馆
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917236
Samuel J. Redman
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Structuring Museums Usefully <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Samuel J. Redman (bio) </li> </ul> Reed Gochberg. <em>Useful Objects: Museums, Science, & Literature in Nineteenth-Century America</em>. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2021. 272 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. <p>During the mid-nineteenth century, traveling to Europe was an essential component in finishing an American’s elite education. The Grand Tour typically consisted of visits to Italy, France, and the UK, with guided tours to major cities, including time spent viewing cathedrals and other wonders. Visits to spectacular European museums, too, were deemed an important part of any culturally sophisticated Yankee’s upbringing. Many nineteenth-century travelers considered visits to museums important opportunities to learn about the arts and the natural world. Major European museums were still the envy of American institutions, zealously gathering specimens and other objects for their collections. Many visitors met their experiences in museums with awe and wonder.</p> <p>Not all visitors were equally impressed by the grand European museums, however. In one episode, an American writer in <em>Saturday Review</em> reflected, “What is the British Museum? Is it, in any real sense of the word, a museum?” The essay further described the museum to be, “chaotic, accidental, and ill-arranged.” Museums and their collections, it seems, had grown so vast and complex as to lose any sense of coherence. The writer concluded of the experience, “A day at the British Museum is like reading a dictionary straight through” (p. 86). Despite their many flaws and limitations, museums came to serve as important centers for research and popular education, bringing various ideas into collision with one another, with important developments for the institutions taking place throughout the nineteenth century. By the century’s end, visitors were pushed toward new ideas and experiences through their encounters at museums. Some turned to their sketchbooks and notepads to document their thoughts, writing about the things they witnessed in museum spaces.</p> <p>Recent scholarship has expanded our knowledge in this area, building on a field of museum history bursting forth during the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century. Much of this scholarship, however, has focused <strong>[End Page 221]</strong> on the history of these institutions, rather than how visitors to these places experienced museums. Tracing the social and cultural impact of these places proves to be a complicated story. It is a difficult history to chase down, requiring deep and careful reading into wide varieties of disparate source materials.</p> <p>Visitors, as I have written elsewhere, often leave but shadowy glimpses of museum history; their perspectives and reactions to exhibitions are rarely fully documente
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 萨缪尔-J-雷德曼(Samuel J. Redman)(简历)里德-戈奇伯格(Reed Gochberg)。有用的物品:十九世纪美国的博物馆、科学与文学》。牛津大学出版社:牛津大学出版社。2021.272 pp.注释、参考书目和索引。19 世纪中期,到欧洲旅行是美国精英教育的重要组成部分。大旅行通常包括访问意大利、法国和英国,在导游的带领下游览主要城市,包括参观大教堂和其他奇观。参观壮观的欧洲博物馆也被认为是任何一个文化成熟的美国人成长过程中的重要组成部分。许多十九世纪的旅行者认为,参观博物馆是了解艺术和自然世界的重要机会。欧洲的大型博物馆仍然是美国人羡慕的机构,他们热衷于收集标本和其他物品作为藏品。许多参观者带着敬畏和惊奇来体验博物馆。然而,并非所有参观者都对宏伟的欧洲博物馆印象深刻。有一次,一位美国作家在《星期六评论》上写道:"大英博物馆是什么?它是真正意义上的博物馆吗?"这篇文章进一步将博物馆描述为 "混乱、偶然和安排不当"。博物馆及其藏品似乎变得如此庞大和复杂,以至于失去了任何连贯性。作者在总结这次经历时说:"在大英博物馆的一天,就像是在通读一本字典"(第 86 页)。尽管博物馆存在许多缺陷和局限,但它仍然成为了重要的研究和大众教育中心,使各种思想相互碰撞,在整个十九世纪都取得了重要的发展。到本世纪末,参观者通过在博物馆的邂逅,被推向了新的思想和体验。一些人开始用素描本和记事本来记录他们的想法,写下他们在博物馆中看到的事物。最近的学术研究拓展了我们在这方面的知识,以二十世纪末二十一世纪初迸发的博物馆史领域为基础。然而,这些学术研究大多集中 [尾页 221]于这些机构的历史,而不是这些地方的参观者是如何体验博物馆的。事实证明,追溯这些地方的社会和文化影响是一个复杂的故事。这是一段难以追寻的历史,需要深入细致地阅读各种不同的原始资料。正如我在其他地方写过的那样,参观者往往只能留下博物馆历史的朦胧一瞥;他们的视角和对展览的反应很少被完整记录下来。展厅往往太暗,无法拍摄到参观者在展厅内走动的身影。很少有游客留言簿被留下,许多关于博物馆体验的新闻报道都是用煽情的镜头过滤过的,这也是后来黄色新闻的成名之处。煽情的评论和文章能卖出更多的报纸,并可能鼓励更多的人参观相关博物馆,因此历史学家有时会对参观者的真实感受感到困惑。由于直接资料来源本来就有限,挖掘主流之外的声音就更加具有挑战性。所有这些杂乱无章、安排不当的文献资料的目的是什么?当人们看到这一切时,他们在想什么?这些历史遗漏了谁的故事和观点?在这些博物馆不断扩大的同时,科学家、博物馆馆长和收藏家们也在争论这些日益流行的展览空间背后的理念,并利用实物实时讨论他们的理论。人们对这些实验的反应从着迷到厌倦,从好奇到冷漠。在某些方面,直到几十年后大型自然历史博物馆开始向公众开放,博物馆才真正流行起来。然而,在十九世纪早期,博物馆就已经成为美国和欧洲文化生活的重要组成部分,尤其是在主要城市中心和精英大学庆祝博物馆在十九世纪生活中不断扩大影响力的时候。历史学家里德-戈奇伯格(Reed Gochberg)通过展示早期的博物馆是如何从其最初的雏形中激发出不同的思想,有时甚至是相互冲突的思想,来证明这一点。她认为,19 世纪早期创建博物馆的初衷是希望它们能够引发新学科之间的思想和对话。虽然博物馆存在明显的局限性和缺点......
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REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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