The Tragedy of Phrenology and Physiognomy

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI:10.1353/rah.2023.a926389
Haimo Li
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Both elite intellectuals and ordinary men and women tended to buy into their core (and essentially prejudicial) teaching: that “facial features or skull shape could reveal a person’s intelligence, character, and personality,” that “countenances and craniums reveal people’s inner capacities,” and that “external beauty is a sign of internal worth” (p. 145). In this new book, historian Rachel E. Walker offers us a clear and thorough account of the details and fate of these popular sciences of human nature in Early America.</p> <p>Walker nicely displays how the American founding generation deliberately used the ideas of physiognomy “to craft an idealized vision of the disinterested republican citizen” and “superior specimens of humanity” (pp. 14–15). The teachings of physiognomy and phrenology also suggested that “old hierarchies were not only legitimate but also based on bodily realities” (pp. 23–24), “wealthy white men” tended always to have “better brains and bodies than their compatriots” (p. 5), so it would be absurd (and futile) to challenge the exclusive sociopolitical status occupied by established elites. Walker also shows that beginning from the 1830s, physiognomists and phrenologists had broadened their attention to the heads and faces of Native peoples and people of African descent, mainly in order to prove that members of these groups were intrinsically inferior to white people. Many physiognomists believed that physiognomy “demonstrated the reasonableness of racial hierarchies” (p. 66). Building on this foundation, new groups of craniometrists and ethnologists emerged, their main arguments and purposes generally similar to the old groups of physiognomists and phrenologists. Together, these intellectuals formed the so-called science of “a racist ethnological system,” which was firmly based on “the faulty assumption that external beauty conveyed internal worth” (pp. 65–68). “Working women, immigrants, and women of color” had also been depicted as “inferior” in human capacity (p. 70). According to physiognomy <strong>[End Page 341]</strong> and phrenology, there exists a “clear hierarchy of humanity” (p. 74). Within this structure, there were some physiognomists and phrenologists with more progressive mindsets, but they still expressed and participated in a system of “bigotry” (pp. 75–76).</p> <p>Even as physiognomists and phrenologists “dangled the promise of personal betterment before the United States population,” they never really provided “a coherent roadmap for eliminating the country’s most entrenched structural inequalities.” Instead, they simply “reproduced the inconsistencies at the heart of American democracy, nurturing a hopeful vision of meritocratic possibility while scientifically rationalizing the very hierarchies that existed within nineteenth-century American society” (p. 46).</p> <p>Moving into the 1870s, intellectuals in new fields such as craniology, evolutionary biology, and physical anthropology largely stopped treating physiognomy and phrenology as serious academic sciences, oftentimes dismissing these old fashioned theory as “quackery” (p. 198). 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For many mid-nineteenth-century Americans, their belief in physiognomy and phrenology did not necessarily mean that they “believe[d] bodies were permanent and inflexible shells” (p. 78). 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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • The Tragedy of Phrenology and Physiognomy
  • Haimo Li (bio)
Rachel E. Walker, Beauty and the Brain: The Science of Human Nature in Early America. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2022. 288 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $45.00.

Between the 1770s and the 1860s, physiognomy and phrenology were very popular sciences in America. Both elite intellectuals and ordinary men and women tended to buy into their core (and essentially prejudicial) teaching: that “facial features or skull shape could reveal a person’s intelligence, character, and personality,” that “countenances and craniums reveal people’s inner capacities,” and that “external beauty is a sign of internal worth” (p. 145). In this new book, historian Rachel E. Walker offers us a clear and thorough account of the details and fate of these popular sciences of human nature in Early America.

Walker nicely displays how the American founding generation deliberately used the ideas of physiognomy “to craft an idealized vision of the disinterested republican citizen” and “superior specimens of humanity” (pp. 14–15). The teachings of physiognomy and phrenology also suggested that “old hierarchies were not only legitimate but also based on bodily realities” (pp. 23–24), “wealthy white men” tended always to have “better brains and bodies than their compatriots” (p. 5), so it would be absurd (and futile) to challenge the exclusive sociopolitical status occupied by established elites. Walker also shows that beginning from the 1830s, physiognomists and phrenologists had broadened their attention to the heads and faces of Native peoples and people of African descent, mainly in order to prove that members of these groups were intrinsically inferior to white people. Many physiognomists believed that physiognomy “demonstrated the reasonableness of racial hierarchies” (p. 66). Building on this foundation, new groups of craniometrists and ethnologists emerged, their main arguments and purposes generally similar to the old groups of physiognomists and phrenologists. Together, these intellectuals formed the so-called science of “a racist ethnological system,” which was firmly based on “the faulty assumption that external beauty conveyed internal worth” (pp. 65–68). “Working women, immigrants, and women of color” had also been depicted as “inferior” in human capacity (p. 70). According to physiognomy [End Page 341] and phrenology, there exists a “clear hierarchy of humanity” (p. 74). Within this structure, there were some physiognomists and phrenologists with more progressive mindsets, but they still expressed and participated in a system of “bigotry” (pp. 75–76).

Even as physiognomists and phrenologists “dangled the promise of personal betterment before the United States population,” they never really provided “a coherent roadmap for eliminating the country’s most entrenched structural inequalities.” Instead, they simply “reproduced the inconsistencies at the heart of American democracy, nurturing a hopeful vision of meritocratic possibility while scientifically rationalizing the very hierarchies that existed within nineteenth-century American society” (p. 46).

Moving into the 1870s, intellectuals in new fields such as craniology, evolutionary biology, and physical anthropology largely stopped treating physiognomy and phrenology as serious academic sciences, oftentimes dismissing these old fashioned theory as “quackery” (p. 198). Nevertheless, as Walker points out, almost all of these supposedly new fields themselves “built on physiognomic theory, silently perpetuating some of its most basic doctrines” (p. 198). Moreover, they not only “validated the physiognomical and phrenological imperative to root human difference in the body,” but also stripped these old “sciences” of their “previous malleability while enshrining their most deterministic impulses” (p. 199). Eventually, this alliance of pseudosciences helped to usher in the eugenics movement.

Walker acknowledges that she is not the first scholar to discover the increasing popularity of physiognomy and phrenology in mid-nineteenth-century America. However, since previous scholars almost all focused on the dark side of the story, namely, the tendency of describing “social inequality as a natural reality” and looking for “evidence of social hierarchies in the human form,” they missed the positive elements (p. 78). For many mid-nineteenth-century Americans, their belief in physiognomy and phrenology did not necessarily mean that they “believe[d] bodies were permanent and inflexible shells” (p. 78). Rather, in their mind, the essential value of physiognomy and phrenology was located in the fact that these so-called sciences never ruthlessly precluded “the possibility that all...

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面相学的悲剧
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 肾相学和相术的悲剧 李海茂(简历) Rachel E. Walker, Beauty and the Brain:早期美国的人性科学》。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022 年。288 页。注释、参考书目和索引。$45.00.在 17 世纪 70 年代到 18 世纪 60 年代期间,相术和相面术在美国是非常流行的科学。无论是精英知识分子还是普通男女,都倾向于接受它们的核心(本质上是偏见)教义:"面部特征或头骨形状可以揭示一个人的智力、性格和个性","面容和头盖骨可以揭示人的内在能力",以及 "外在美是内在价值的标志"(第 145 页)。在这本新书中,历史学家蕾切尔-E-沃克(Rachel E. Walker)清晰透彻地为我们讲述了这些流行的人性科学在早期美国的细节和命运。沃克很好地展示了美国建国一代是如何有意识地利用相术思想 "来塑造无私的共和公民的理想化形象 "和 "人性的优秀标本"(第 14-15 页)。相学和膈相学的教义还表明,"旧的等级制度不仅是合法的,而且是基于身体的现实"(第 23-24 页),"富有的白人 "往往总是 "比他们的同胞拥有更好的头脑和身体"(第 5 页),因此,挑战既有精英所占据的排他性社会政治地位是荒谬的(也是徒劳的)。沃克还指出,从 19 世纪 30 年代开始,相面学家和面相学家将注意力扩大到土著人和非洲裔人的头部和面部,主要是为了证明这些群体的成员在本质上不如白人。许多相面学家认为,相面学 "证明了种族等级制度的合理性"(第 66 页)。在此基础上,出现了新的颅面测量学家和人种学家群体,他们的主要论点和目的与旧的相面学家和颅面学家群体大体相似。这些知识分子共同形成了所谓的 "种族主义人种学体系 "科学,其坚实的基础是 "外在美传达内在价值的错误假设"(第 65-68 页)。"劳动妇女、移民和有色人种妇女 "也被描绘成 "低人一等 "的人(第 70 页)。根据面相学 [第 341 页完] 和膈相学,存在着 "明显的人类等级结构"(第 74 页)。在这一结构中,有一些相士和膈相学家的思想更为进步,但他们仍然表达并参与了 "偏执 "体系(第 75-76 页)。即使相士和相面术士 "在美国民众面前许下了改善个人生活的承诺",他们也从未真正提供 "消除美国最根深蒂固的结构性不平等的连贯路线图"。相反,他们只是 "再现了美国民主核心的不一致性,在培育功利可能性的希望愿景的同时,科学地合理化了 19 世纪美国社会存在的等级制度"(第 46 页)。进入 19 世纪 70 年代,颅骨学、进化生物学和体质人类学等新领域的知识分子基本上不再将相面术和颅相学视为严肃的学术科学,常常将这些老式理论斥之为 "庸医"(第 198 页)。然而,正如沃克所指出的,几乎所有这些所谓的新领域本身都 "建立在相学理论之上,默默地延续着其中一些最基本的学说"(第 198 页)。此外,它们不仅 "验证了相学和膈相学将人类差异植根于身体的必要性",而且还剥夺了这些旧 "科学""先前的可塑性,同时将其最决定论的冲动奉为圭臬"(第 199 页)。最终,这种伪科学联盟帮助迎来了优生学运动。沃克承认,她并不是第一个发现相术和相面术在 19 世纪中叶的美国日益流行的学者。然而,由于之前的学者几乎都关注故事的阴暗面,即描述 "社会不平等是自然现实 "和寻找 "人类形态中社会等级的证据 "的倾向,他们忽略了积极的因素(第 78 页)。对于许多 19 世纪中期的美国人来说,他们相信相术和颅相学并不一定意味着他们 "相信身体是永恒不变的躯壳"(第 78 页)。相反,在他们看来,相学和颅相学的基本价值在于,这些所谓的科学从未无情地排除 "所有......的可能性"。
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期刊介绍: Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.
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