Public perceptions of environmental degradation in the Arab World: evidence from surveys about water, air, and sanitation

IF 2.4 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Environmental Sociology Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI:10.1080/23251042.2023.2251785
Nimah Mazaheri
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Perceptions about environmental quality are mainly shaped by a person’s age, educational background, financial status, and how they view the current economic situation. Although perceptions about water and trash are directly connected to a national environmental quality measure, they are unconnected to specific measurements of clean water access and sanitation quality. Furthermore, perceptions about air quality are unconnected to any general or specific (national- or local-level) measurements. Instead, a person’s age, gender, educational background, financial status, and minority status are better predictors of how much they view air quality to be a problem. These findings shed light on the topic of environmental concern in a comparatively understudied area of the world, highlighting the ways that individual, local, and national factors shape how the average person evaluates environmental problems.KEYWORDS: EnvironmentpollutionArab worldpublicsurveys Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The term ‘Arab World’ refers to the 22 Arab countries located in the Greater Middle East and North African regions: Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.2. Studies of environmental attitudes in Middle Eastern countries that use qualitative, ethnographic, or case study approaches can be found in Croitoru et al. (Citation2010); Jones (Citation2010); Davis and Burke (Citation2011); and Sowers (Citation2013).3. Dunlap et al. (Citation1993), p. 10. Note that Turkey was the only Middle Eastern country surveyed in this study.4. For instance, refer to the survey by the AFED (Citation2017), which uses online convenience sampling methods.5. It is expected that online surveys with probability-based designs will soon be marshaled to generate insights into the environmental attitudes across the Middle East and North Africa. Online surveys are already widely employed in the study of political behavior in the United States (Ansolabehere and Schaffner Citation2018), and this choice of survey mode only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Arab Barometer project, too, was affected by the pandemic and pivoted to a telephone-based survey for its sixth wave. Unfortunately, questions about the environment were omitted from this wave, leaving the fifth wave a uniquely valuable source of survey data.6. Note that Kuwait appears in the sample only on questions about air quality. Kuwaitis were not asked about water quality or sanitation.7. See the discussion on measurement in Dunlap and Emmet Jones (Citation2002), p. 515.8. On the issue of use goods versus non-use goods in the context of the environment see Gokşen et al. (Citation2002); National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (Citation2005).9. Other possible options were ‘Don’t Know’ and ‘Refused to Answer.’ If one of these options was selected the respondent is omitted in the sample of analysis.10. Governorates are subnational population units designated and used during the sampling process by the Arab Barometer. Governorates sometimes, but not always, coincide with a country’s provinces or states, but not all countries have the same decentralized political structure. The number of governorates in each country is the following: Algeria (36), Egypt (24), Iraq (16), Jordan (12), Kuwait (6), Lebanon (8), Libya (21), Morocco (12), Palestine (17), Sudan (16), Tunisia (24), and Yemen (21).11. Respondents select one of the following options: (1) ‘Our net household income does not cover our expenses; we face significant difficulties’; (2) ‘Our net household income does not cover our expenses; we face some difficulties’. (3) ‘Our net household income covers our expenses without notable difficulties’; (4) ‘Our net household income covers our expenses and we are able to save’.12. Only 2020 data are available and there are missing observations for Libya, Palestine, and Yemen.13. This is calculated by raising the value of the odds ratio (1.067) to the power of 5, which is the number of units in the Education variable that separates a person with a college degree from a person with no formal education. Note that this uses the Column 1 findings where Environmental Performance is included in the model, which omits Palestine due to missing data. The second column reports the results when Environmental Performance is taken out, which allows for the inclusion of Palestine in the sample. In this case, the odds ratio for Education is slightly lower and suggests a 31% higher odds for college-educated Arabs versus those without formal education.14. This is not to suggest that environmental racism and related dynamics do not occur in the Arab World. For instance, refer to Jones (Citation2010) on Saudi Arabia.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNimah MazaheriNimah Mazaheri is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. His current research focuses on the political economy of energy and the environment in the Middle East. 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Abstract

ABSTRACTMany Arab countries are struggling to combat a range of environmental problems from air pollution to water salinization to overflowing garbage. Yet little is known about how people in this region perceive these environmental problems and the factors that influence their perceptions. This article analyzes surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer with 13,850 people across 12 Arab countries in 2018–19. The focus is on public perceptions about water pollution, air pollution, and trash. About 91% of respondents said that water pollution is a very serious or serious problem. About 89% and 73% feel the same way about trash and air pollution, respectively. Perceptions about environmental quality are mainly shaped by a person’s age, educational background, financial status, and how they view the current economic situation. Although perceptions about water and trash are directly connected to a national environmental quality measure, they are unconnected to specific measurements of clean water access and sanitation quality. Furthermore, perceptions about air quality are unconnected to any general or specific (national- or local-level) measurements. Instead, a person’s age, gender, educational background, financial status, and minority status are better predictors of how much they view air quality to be a problem. These findings shed light on the topic of environmental concern in a comparatively understudied area of the world, highlighting the ways that individual, local, and national factors shape how the average person evaluates environmental problems.KEYWORDS: EnvironmentpollutionArab worldpublicsurveys Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The term ‘Arab World’ refers to the 22 Arab countries located in the Greater Middle East and North African regions: Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.2. Studies of environmental attitudes in Middle Eastern countries that use qualitative, ethnographic, or case study approaches can be found in Croitoru et al. (Citation2010); Jones (Citation2010); Davis and Burke (Citation2011); and Sowers (Citation2013).3. Dunlap et al. (Citation1993), p. 10. Note that Turkey was the only Middle Eastern country surveyed in this study.4. For instance, refer to the survey by the AFED (Citation2017), which uses online convenience sampling methods.5. It is expected that online surveys with probability-based designs will soon be marshaled to generate insights into the environmental attitudes across the Middle East and North Africa. Online surveys are already widely employed in the study of political behavior in the United States (Ansolabehere and Schaffner Citation2018), and this choice of survey mode only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Arab Barometer project, too, was affected by the pandemic and pivoted to a telephone-based survey for its sixth wave. Unfortunately, questions about the environment were omitted from this wave, leaving the fifth wave a uniquely valuable source of survey data.6. Note that Kuwait appears in the sample only on questions about air quality. Kuwaitis were not asked about water quality or sanitation.7. See the discussion on measurement in Dunlap and Emmet Jones (Citation2002), p. 515.8. On the issue of use goods versus non-use goods in the context of the environment see Gokşen et al. (Citation2002); National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (Citation2005).9. Other possible options were ‘Don’t Know’ and ‘Refused to Answer.’ If one of these options was selected the respondent is omitted in the sample of analysis.10. Governorates are subnational population units designated and used during the sampling process by the Arab Barometer. Governorates sometimes, but not always, coincide with a country’s provinces or states, but not all countries have the same decentralized political structure. The number of governorates in each country is the following: Algeria (36), Egypt (24), Iraq (16), Jordan (12), Kuwait (6), Lebanon (8), Libya (21), Morocco (12), Palestine (17), Sudan (16), Tunisia (24), and Yemen (21).11. Respondents select one of the following options: (1) ‘Our net household income does not cover our expenses; we face significant difficulties’; (2) ‘Our net household income does not cover our expenses; we face some difficulties’. (3) ‘Our net household income covers our expenses without notable difficulties’; (4) ‘Our net household income covers our expenses and we are able to save’.12. Only 2020 data are available and there are missing observations for Libya, Palestine, and Yemen.13. This is calculated by raising the value of the odds ratio (1.067) to the power of 5, which is the number of units in the Education variable that separates a person with a college degree from a person with no formal education. Note that this uses the Column 1 findings where Environmental Performance is included in the model, which omits Palestine due to missing data. The second column reports the results when Environmental Performance is taken out, which allows for the inclusion of Palestine in the sample. In this case, the odds ratio for Education is slightly lower and suggests a 31% higher odds for college-educated Arabs versus those without formal education.14. This is not to suggest that environmental racism and related dynamics do not occur in the Arab World. For instance, refer to Jones (Citation2010) on Saudi Arabia.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNimah MazaheriNimah Mazaheri is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. His current research focuses on the political economy of energy and the environment in the Middle East. His most recent book is Hydrocarbon Citizens: How Oil Transformed People and Politics in the Middle East (Oxford University Press, 2022).
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阿拉伯世界公众对环境恶化的看法:来自水、空气和卫生设施调查的证据
许多阿拉伯国家正在与一系列环境问题作斗争,从空气污染到水盐碱化再到垃圾泛滥。然而,对于该地区的人们如何看待这些环境问题以及影响他们看法的因素,人们知之甚少。本文分析了阿拉伯晴雨表在2018 - 2019年对12个阿拉伯国家的13850人进行的调查。调查的重点是公众对水污染、空气污染和垃圾的看法。约91%的受访者认为水污染是一个非常严重或严重的问题。大约89%和73%的人分别对垃圾和空气污染有同样的看法。对环境质量的看法主要是由一个人的年龄、教育背景、经济状况以及他们对当前经济形势的看法所决定的。虽然对水和垃圾的看法与国家环境质量措施直接相关,但它们与清洁水获取和卫生质量的具体测量无关。此外,对空气质量的看法与任何一般或具体(国家或地方层面)的测量结果无关。相反,一个人的年龄、性别、教育背景、经济状况和少数民族身份可以更好地预测他们对空气质量问题的看法。这些发现揭示了世界上一个研究相对不足的地区的环境问题,突出了个人、地方和国家因素影响普通人如何评估环境问题的方式。关键词:环境污染阿拉伯世界公众调查披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。“阿拉伯世界”一词指的是位于大中东和北非地区的22个阿拉伯国家:阿尔及利亚、巴林、科摩罗群岛、吉布提、埃及、伊拉克、约旦、科威特、黎巴嫩、利比亚、摩洛哥、毛里塔尼亚、阿曼、巴勒斯坦、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯、索马里、苏丹、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿拉伯联合酋长国和也门。Croitoru等人使用定性、人种学或案例研究方法对中东国家的环境态度进行了研究(Citation2010);琼斯(Citation2010);Davis and Burke (citation);2 .中国农业大学学报(自然科学版)。Dunlap et al. (Citation1993),第10页。请注意,土耳其是本研究中唯一被调查的中东国家。例如,参考AFED的调查(Citation2017),它使用在线方便的抽样方法。预计基于概率设计的在线调查将很快被组织起来,以深入了解中东和北非的环境态度。在线调查已经广泛应用于美国的政治行为研究(Ansolabehere和Schaffner Citation2018),这种调查模式的选择在COVID-19大流行期间才有所增加。阿拉伯晴雨表项目也受到大流行的影响,并在其第六次浪潮中转向电话调查。不幸的是,关于环境的问题在这一波中被省略了,这使得第五波调查数据成为独一无二的有价值的来源。请注意,科威特只在有关空气质量的问题上出现在样本中。没有向科威特人询问水质或卫生情况。参见Dunlap and Emmet Jones (Citation2002),第515.8页关于测量的讨论。关于在环境背景下使用商品与非使用商品的问题,请参阅gok<e:1>等人(Citation2002);9.美国国家科学院、工程院和医学院(Citation2005)。其他可能的选项是“不知道”和“拒绝回答”。如果选择了其中一个选项,则在分析样本中省略被调查者。省是阿拉伯晴雨表在抽样过程中指定和使用的次国家级人口单位。省有时(但不总是)与一个国家的省或州一致,但并非所有国家都有同样的分权政治结构。每个国家的省数如下:阿尔及利亚(36个)、埃及(24个)、伊拉克(16个)、约旦(12个)、科威特(6个)、黎巴嫩(8个)、利比亚(21个)、摩洛哥(12个)、巴勒斯坦(17个)、苏丹(16个)、突尼斯(24个)和也门(21个)。受访者在以下选项中选择一个:(1)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临重大困难’;(2)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临一些困难。(3)“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,没有明显困难”;“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,我们有能力储蓄。”只有2020年的数据可用,利比亚、巴勒斯坦和也门的观测数据缺失。这是通过将比值比(1.067)的值提高到5的幂来计算的。5是将拥有大学学位的人与没有受过正规教育的人区分开来的教育变量的单位数。 请注意,这里使用的是第1列的结果,其中环境绩效包含在模型中,由于缺少数据而忽略了巴勒斯坦。第二列报告了去掉Environmental Performance后的结果,这允许在样本中包含巴勒斯坦。在这种情况下,教育的优势比略低,表明受过大学教育的阿拉伯人比没有受过正规教育的阿拉伯人的优势高出31%。这并不是说环境种族主义和相关的动态在阿拉伯世界没有发生。例如,参考Jones (Citation2010)关于沙特阿拉伯的文章。作者简介:尼玛·马扎赫里是塔夫茨大学政治学副教授。他目前的研究重点是中东地区能源和环境的政治经济。他最近的著作是《碳氢化合物公民:石油如何改变中东的人民和政治》(牛津大学出版社,2022年)。
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来源期刊
Environmental Sociology
Environmental Sociology ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES-
CiteScore
4.60
自引率
12.00%
发文量
34
期刊介绍: Environmental Sociology is dedicated to applying and advancing the sociological imagination in relation to a wide variety of environmental challenges, controversies and issues, at every level from the global to local, from ‘world culture’ to diverse local perspectives. As an international, peer-reviewed scholarly journal, Environmental Sociology aims to stretch the conceptual and theoretical boundaries of both environmental and mainstream sociology, to highlight the relevance of sociological research for environmental policy and management, to disseminate the results of sociological research, and to engage in productive dialogue and debate with other disciplines in the social, natural and ecological sciences. Contributions may utilize a variety of theoretical orientations including, but not restricted to: critical theory, cultural sociology, ecofeminism, ecological modernization, environmental justice, organizational sociology, political ecology, political economy, post-colonial studies, risk theory, social psychology, science and technology studies, globalization, world-systems analysis, and so on. Cross- and transdisciplinary contributions are welcome where they demonstrate a novel attempt to understand social-ecological relationships in a manner that engages with the core concerns of sociology in social relationships, institutions, practices and processes. All methodological approaches in the environmental social sciences – qualitative, quantitative, integrative, spatial, policy analysis, etc. – are welcomed. Environmental Sociology welcomes high-quality submissions from scholars around the world.
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