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Human-animal connections: expanding and cross-worlding relational approaches to resilience 人与动物的联系:扩展和跨世界的复原力关系方法
IF 2.5 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2295098
Janine Natalya Clark
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引用次数: 0
Air quality sensors and distributional environmental justice: a case study of Salt Lake County, Utah 空气质量传感器与分布式环境正义:犹他州盐湖县案例研究
IF 2.5 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2295099
Casey J. Mullen, S. Grineski, T. W. Collins, Aaron B. Flores
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引用次数: 0
Urban green governance and mechanisms of generation of ecosystem services: Milan’s green governance models 城市绿色治理与生态系统服务生成机制:米兰的绿色治理模式
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2277972
Oscar Luigi Azzimonti
ABSTRACTThis paper studies the governance of the green spaces in the metropolitan area of Milan, aiming to understand the political mechanisms that underpin the generation of ecosystem services in the urban context. Based on semi-structured interviews to relevant policymakers and stakeholders and on the study of planning documents and greening policies, the research identifies the main actors who are involved in green planning and management in the city and in the metropolitan area. By analysing their green management and planning roles, economic resources and greening visions and priorities, the study depicts five coexisting green governance models. In particular, the research highlights the decreasing influence of public institutions in green planning and management and the rising relevance of private-public collaborations. These dynamics of green governance may affect the generation and the distribution of ecosystem services. On the one hand, greening in private-led regeneration processes tend toward recreational and final ecosystem services, aiming to raise land values. On the other hand, the civic projects of afforestation have evolved in territorial initiatives that go beyond the mere objective of implementing new green spaces, looking at broader planning themes – i.e. soft mobility and social welfare – demanding a stronger metropolitan coordination.KEYWORDS: Urban green spacesgovernanceecosystem servicespolitical ecologyurban regenerationMilan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Informed consent statementInformed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.In accordance with the Italian and European legislation, the research was exempt from approval of the Institutional Ethical Committee. (https://www.unimib.it/ateneo/organizzazione/organi/comitato-etico)Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/23251042.2023.2277972Notes1. See Pasqui (Citation2019) or Moini et al., (Citation2019) for detailed analyses on the governance of urban regeneration processes in Milan.2. See, for instance the last Metropolitan Plan on heat waves and nature-based solutions (Città Metropolitana di Milano Citation2020) and the project Life Metro Adapt (http://www.lifemetroadapt.eu/it/) [last retrieved: 30/01/2022]3. The final budget for ordinary and extraordinary maintenance in all the parks that are managed by the municipality is around € 1 per m2 (per year), which, as one of the municipal green sector supervisors claimed, it’s a rather low budget. « We keep a level of expenses which is rather low in relation to the quality of the green spaces, that we would like to have much improved. » [I1]4. See https://bam.milano.it/en/ [Last retrieved 30/04/2023]5. Parco Nord is officially a regional park, and therefore an institutional actor. However, considering the peculiar story of the afforestation and of the park, it could also be considered as
摘要本文研究了米兰都市圈绿地的治理,旨在了解城市环境中支撑生态系统服务产生的政治机制。基于对相关政策制定者和利益相关者的半结构化访谈以及对规划文件和绿化政策的研究,本研究确定了参与城市和大都市区绿色规划和管理的主要行为者。本研究通过分析这些机构的绿色管理和规划角色、经济资源、绿化愿景和优先事项,描绘了五种共存的绿色治理模式。该研究特别强调了公共机构在绿色规划和管理方面的影响力正在下降,而公私合作的相关性正在上升。这些绿色治理的动态可能影响生态系统服务的产生和分配。一方面,在私人主导的再生过程中,绿化倾向于娱乐和最终的生态系统服务,旨在提高土地价值。另一方面,公民造林项目已经演变为领土倡议,超越了实施新的绿色空间的单纯目标,着眼于更广泛的规划主题-即软流动性和社会福利-要求更强的都市协调。关键词:城市绿色空间治理生态系统服务政治生态城市再生米兰披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。知情同意声明所有参与研究的受试者均获得了知情同意。根据意大利和欧洲的法律,这项研究不需要机构伦理委员会的批准。(https://www.unimib.it/ateneo/organizzazione/organi/comitato-etico)Supplementary材料本文的补充数据可在https://doi.org/10.1080/23251042.2023.2277972Notes1上在线获取。参见Pasqui (Citation2019)或Moini等人(Citation2019)对米兰城市更新过程治理的详细分析。例如,参见关于热浪和基于自然的解决方案的最新都市规划(citt Metropolitana di Milano Citation2020)和Life Metro Adapt项目(http://www.lifemetroadapt.eu/it/)[最后更新:30/01/2022]。市政府管理的所有公园的普通和特别维护的最终预算约为每平方米(每年)1欧元,正如一位市政绿色部门主管所说,这是一个相当低的预算。“与绿地的质量相比,我们保持了相当低的费用水平,我们希望能得到很大的改善。”»(I1) 4。参见https://bam.milano.it/en/[最后检索日期30/04/2023]Parco Nord是一个正式的区域公园,因此是一个机构行动者。然而,考虑到植树造林和公园的特殊故事,它也可以被认为是协会和基层组织的集体努力。关于Parco Nord和boscoincittcn的信息是从采访中获取的。进一步的文件可在以下网站找到:https://parconord.milano.it/和https://www.boscoincitta.it/[最后检索日期:2023年1月3日],或Parco Nord Statute (https://parconord.milano.it/come-funziona-il-parco/lente-parco/lo-statuto/)[最后检索日期:2023年1月3日],或boscoincitt publications https://www.boscoincitta.it/pubblicazioni/Additional informationfunding本研究没有从公共、商业或非营利部门的资助机构获得任何特定的资助。oscar Luigi Azzimonti是一位城市和环境社会学家。他的研究领域包括环境风险与社会脆弱性、城市绿地与生态系统服务、城市环境治理、可持续交通与步行性等。现为意大利米兰-比可卡大学社会学系博士后研究员。
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引用次数: 0
Social mycorrhiza: The social infrastructure of agroecological farming economies 社会菌根:农业生态农业经济的社会基础设施
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2267828
Isaac Sohn Leslie
ABSTRACTAlternative agriculture (e.g. agroecology and organics) aims to address global environmental and social problems: goals that hinge on alternative farms’ economic viability. Viability depends on farmers accessing key resources (e.g. land), typically through markets, but also through social relationships. In this article, I offer a theory of how agroecological farmers’ social infrastructure can enable resource access. ‘Social mycorrhiza’ uses ecological mycorrhiza as a metaphor to conceptualize how individuals with simultaneous market interests and movement-based values (like alternative farmers) create social networks that facilitate resource access, in circumstances where they trust each other will act according to both their economic interests and their social and environmental values, over time. Social mycorrhiza highlights cooptation – when social and environmental values are sacrificed for economic interests – and burnout – when economic viability is sacrificed forsocial and environmental values. I illustrate social mycorrhiza using a case study of alternative (organic and agroecological) farmers in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. In short, social mycorrhiza describes the social relational infrastructure of agroecological farming economies.KEYWORDS: Agrarian questionagroecologyfarm viabilitypolitical economysocial movementscommunity and economic developmentfood justice AcknowledgmentsI thank the farmers and other alternative food system leaders I interviewed for this study. Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, Steph Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman, and Mark Anthony each shaped this project in important ways.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Similarly, the Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition uses the term ‘social mycelium’ to describe social ties in their network (Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition Citation2020). Ecologically speaking, ‘mycelium’ refers to a collection of hyphae, described below. In contrast to this use of social mycelium, I use social mycorrhiza to describe a more specific type of social relationship that involves resource flows between at least two entities. Whereas ‘mycelium’ refers to the part of a fungus that delivers resources, ‘mycorrhiza’ refers to the relationship between fungi and plants where they can mutualistically exchange resources between each other under certain conditions, also described below.2. Polanyi themself was ambiguous about the distinction between money and credit in their theory of fictitious commodities, which is important for political economic theory (Jessop Citation2019), but not for this article. For a discussion of the importance of credit to agriculture, the historical expansion of the credit system into agriculture, and credit as a fictitious commodity, see Henderson (Citation1998).3. For a complete discussion of methods, see Leslie (Citation2020). Before starting th
替代农业(如生态农业和有机农业)旨在解决全球环境和社会问题:这些目标取决于替代农场的经济可行性。生存能力取决于农民能否获得关键资源(如土地),通常通过市场,但也通过社会关系。在这篇文章中,我提出了一个关于生态农业农民的社会基础设施如何使资源获得的理论。“社会菌根”使用生态菌根作为隐喻,概念化具有同时市场利益和基于运动的价值观的个体(如替代农民)如何创建促进资源获取的社会网络,在他们相互信任的情况下,他们将根据他们的经济利益和社会和环境价值,随着时间的推移而行动。社会菌根强调合作——当社会和环境价值为经济利益牺牲时——和倦怠——当经济可行性为社会和环境价值牺牲时。我用阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯省的替代(有机和农业生态)农民的案例研究来说明社会菌根。简而言之,社会菌根描述了农业生态农业经济的社会关系基础设施。关键词:农业问题农业生态农场生存能力政治经济社会运动社区和经济发展粮食正义感谢我为这项研究采访的农民和其他替代粮食系统的领导者。Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, stephen Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman和Mark Anthony都以重要的方式塑造了这个项目。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。同样,佛蒙特州健康土壤联盟使用“社会菌丝体”一词来描述其网络中的社会关系(佛蒙特州健康土壤联盟引文2020)。从生态学上讲,“菌丝体”是指菌丝的集合,如下所述。与社会菌丝体的使用相反,我使用社会菌根来描述一种更具体的社会关系类型,这种关系涉及至少两个实体之间的资源流动。“菌丝体”指的是真菌提供资源的部分,而“菌根”指的是真菌和植物之间的关系,它们可以在一定条件下相互交换资源,详见下文2。波兰尼本人在他们的虚拟商品理论中对货币和信用之间的区别模棱两可,这对政治经济理论很重要(Jessop Citation2019),但对本文并不重要。关于信贷对农业的重要性、信贷系统对农业的历史扩张以及信贷作为一种虚拟商品的讨论,见Henderson (Citation1998)。有关方法的完整讨论,请参阅Leslie (Citation2020)。在开始这项研究之前,我获得了威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校IRB办公室的伦理批准,并在每次采访前获得知情同意。这项工作得到了富布赖特协会的支持;威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社会学系;威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社区与环境社会学系;Mellon-Wisconsin;农业综合系统中心;农村社会学学会。关于贡献者的说明isaac Sohn LeslieDr。艾萨克·索恩·莱斯利,食品系统研究生院社区发展推广助理教授,佛蒙特大学农业生态研究所合作者。
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引用次数: 0
Unyielding humanity from catastrophic ruins: new political society for social and environmental justice after Bhopal 灾难废墟中不屈不挠的人类:博帕尔事件后追求社会和环境正义的新政治社会
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2270284
Nikhil Deb
ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the ways in which a site of catastrophic ruins transpires as a new political society for critical social and environmental justice. Predicated on two and half months of fieldwork in Bhopal – consisting of 60 interviews with gas and water victims and activists, archival research, and observation of sites and events – the paper specifically explains how the Bhopal Movement, the longest-running social movement in post-colonial India, has become an exemplar of what I call ‘unyielding humanity,’ one that rejects conciliatory posturing and ad-hoc solutions, constraining states and corporations alike to meaningfully address the ongoing social and environmental mutilation of Bhopal. Underlining the agency, targets, means, objectives, and determinations of the subaltern people, the paper illustrates how this women-led movement poses triumphant challenges to dominant narratives by focusing on the politics of long-term, intergenerational suffering. Findings indicate that prolonged marginalization can give rise to distinct forms of politics, diverging not only from labor and identity politics but also from various environmental justice movements that have been theorized emphasizing primarily material, visible, and immediate consequences. The paper holds implications for social and environmental justice struggles worldwide.KEYWORDS: Unyielding humanitynew political societyBhopalcritical social and environmental justiceUnion Carbide and Dow Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Dow refused to accept any liabilities for previous corporations, maintaining that it never owned the Bhopal plant, and therefore, that the cleanup of the contaminated sites, according to its official statement, is not its responsibility. See Dow’s official statement here: https://corporate.dow.com/en-us/about/issues-and-challenges/bhopal.2. Recently, Indian farmers marched to New Delhi with the skulls of farmers who committed suicide due to a devastating loan burden. In 2007, in Nandigram, West Bengal, 14 people were killed, and many women were raped to protect their land from the corporation. Repression to Narmada Bachao activists is well known. Antinuclear activism by fishermen in India was also met with state repression. Relatedly, Bhopal survivors’ 2011 Rail Blockade Movement met with massive attacks on women and older adults.3. The works of various scholars shed light on the implications of long-standing patterns of environmental injustice. Cordner and Brown (Citation2015) delve into the convergence of different sectors in response to environmental risks. Rea and Frickel (Citation2023) show how state actions tied to less captivating ‘ordinary’ features lack resonance and fail to generate public backing, leading to environmental injustice manifesting in various ways. Gill et al. (Citation2012) examine the effects of the BP oil spill, while Bunker (1988) investigates how extractive economies contribute
摘要本文分析了一个灾难性的废墟遗址作为一个新的政治社会为关键的社会和环境正义而出现的方式。基于在博帕尔两个半月的实地考察——包括对毒气和水受害者和活动人士的60次采访、档案研究和对现场和事件的观察——这篇论文特别解释了博帕尔运动是如何成为我所说的“不屈服的人性”的典范,它拒绝妥协的姿态和临时解决方案。限制了国家和企业有意义地解决博帕尔正在遭受的社会和环境破坏。本文强调了下层人民的机构、目标、手段、目标和决心,通过关注长期代际痛苦的政治,阐述了这场由女性领导的运动如何向主流叙事提出了胜利的挑战。研究结果表明,长期的边缘化可能会产生不同形式的政治,不仅与劳工和身份政治不同,也与各种环境正义运动不同,这些运动已经理论化,主要强调物质的、可见的和直接的后果。这篇论文对全世界的社会和环境正义斗争具有启示意义。关键词:不屈的人类;新政治社会;关键的社会和环境正义;联合碳化物公司和陶氏化学公司披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。陶氏拒绝为以前的公司承担任何责任,坚持认为它从未拥有博帕尔工厂,因此,根据其官方声明,清理受污染的地点不是它的责任。请看陶氏化学的官方声明:https://corporate.dow.com/en-us/about/issues-and-challenges/bhopal.2。最近,印度农民带着因沉重的贷款负担而自杀的农民的头骨游行到新德里。2007年,在西孟加拉邦的南迪格拉姆,14人被杀,许多妇女被强奸,以保护自己的土地不受该公司的侵犯。对Narmada Bachao活动分子的镇压是众所周知的。印度渔民的反核活动也遭到了政府的镇压。与此相关的是,2011年博帕尔幸存者的铁路封锁运动遭遇了对妇女和老年人的大规模袭击。各学者的著作阐明了长期存在的环境不公正模式的含义。Cordner和Brown (Citation2015)深入研究了不同部门在应对环境风险方面的趋同。Rea和Frickel (Citation2023)表明,与不那么吸引人的“普通”特征相关的国家行动缺乏共鸣,无法产生公众支持,导致环境不公以各种方式表现出来。Gill等人(Citation2012)研究了BP石油泄漏的影响,而Bunker(1988)研究了采掘经济如何导致资源丰富地区的贫困。在我的研究中,我分析了边缘化社区在一个臭名昭著的企业灾难之地与长期代际痛苦作斗争时所采用的政治手段。Baxi (Citation2010)写了大量关于博帕尔事件后的法律灾难的文章,他对博帕尔事件的受害者也使用了类似的描述。各种社会科学家对政治回避文化进行了分析。例如,Eliasoph (Citation1998)在她对冷漠产生的分析中表明,普通人中的冷漠和非政治思想是如何产生和传播的。关于阿巴拉契亚山谷的平静(和反叛)的类似分析,请参见《Gaventa》(Citation1982)。有关类似类型的讨论,请参见Gans (Citation1974)。博帕尔活动人士表示声援并参与其他运动,如纳尔马达谷运动,抗议对边缘人群,特别是妇女的不公正待遇。更重要的是,两位博帕利女性活动家用她们从高盛环境奖中获得的钱,每年颁发一项名为“奇加里奖”(Chingari award)的赠款,给印度各地为保护环境和打击企业犯罪而奋斗的女性。请在此查看相关报道:https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/science/story/2023-06-08/disaster-effects-might-be-far- reached -ucsd-paper- found。陶氏化学10年前在印度总共投资了2亿美元。它在印度雇佣了大约900名员工。2004年,印度最高法院命令中央邦政府向水污染受害者提供干净的饮用水。最后,自2010年以来,中央邦政府开始为灾民提供饮用水,尽管供应断断续续,而且正如灾民所说,水质很差。 关于博帕尔博物馆的详细讨论,请见Lakshmi(2012),他是一名独立的博物馆顾问,被积极分子招募为“收集和编目物品,进行口述历史,设计和塑造内容”,该展览在印度各地进行了一年。我在2018年夏天参观了这个博物馆。博物馆位于距离废弃工厂大约1.5英里的地方,热情欢迎游客。两个女人在接待处工作,其中一个是第二代受害者和活动家。另一个是一个离婚妇女(在博帕尔这个宗教保守的地方雇佣一个离婚妇女,这也很重要),并为博物馆服务而感到非常自豪。Petryna (Citation2002)在切尔诺贝利事件后描述的“生物公民”概念让人想起公民的健康如何成为政治讨价还价的主题,他们与国家的关系取决于福利的提供。最近,CP请愿的听证会于2023年1月结束。在诉讼过程中,代表联合碳化物公司和陶氏化学公司的律师重申,他的客户指示他们不要再提供任何赔偿。有关审查请愿书的批评观点,请参阅八喜的分析:https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/upendra-baxi-on-sc-ruling-on-bhopal-gas-tragedy-curative-petition-where-did-the-constitutional-sympathy-for-the-victims-vanish-8511141/13。参见Banerjee的Citation2013文章,该文章基于对该运动的民族志理解。Baxi (Citation2010)撰写了大量关于博帕尔事件后的法律灾难的文章,他对博帕尔事件的受害者也使用了类似的描述。本研究得到了社会问题研究学会种族/少数民族奖学金的支持。作者简介nikhil debhil Deb,美国圣路易斯奥比斯波加州理工州立大学社会学助理教授。他的研究广泛地考察了全球南方治理的变化(即向市场自由化的过渡)是否导致了边缘化地区的社会环境问题,特别关注印度和孟加拉国。他在印度的研究表明,印度治理的新自由主义转向如何在许多挥之不去的后果的产生中发挥了关键作用,1984年印度博帕尔的博帕尔灾难就是明证。他在孟加拉国的研究调查了气候引发的灾难如何被利用来推进新自由主义理想,导致自然商品化和对当地生计的损害。
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引用次数: 0
Land means the world: narratives of place and colonial ecological violence in the media framing of the Bears Ears National Monument 土地意味着世界:熊耳国家纪念碑的媒体框架中关于地方和殖民生态暴力的叙述
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2267832
Amanda Ricketts
ABSTRACTSettler colonialism shapes the governance of public land in what is now called the United States, contributing to eco-social disruptions for Indigenous populations. The Bears Ears National Monument was established in December 2016 in an unprecedented collaboration between the federal government and an inter-tribal coalition. Less than a year later, in December 2017, the Trump administration issued a presidential proclamation removing and bisecting 85% of the protected land for energy exploration. I analyze media coverage of Bears Ears National Monument from December 2016 to December 2017 to observe the effects of this framing on elimination projects of the settler state in public land conflicts. I find through the repeated erasure and redirection of Indigenous narratives, local media coverage centralizes the interests of the settler state by classifying land as an asset, making settler political concerns the central contentious issue. To understand how colonial ecological violence shapes the governance of public land, like the case of the Bears Ears National Monument under the Trump administration, scholars should attend to how the media advances narratives of place and contributes to cultural elimination.KEYWORDS: Colonial ecological violencesettler colonialismBears Ears National Monumentpublic landmedia AcknowledgmentsI would like to extend thanks to Raoul Lievanos, Kari Norgaard, Ryan Light, Claire Herbert, and the members of the Janet Smith Cooperative, whose comments and support made the writing of this article possible.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsAmanda RickettsAmanda Ricketts, MS, is a PhD student at the University of Oregon. Their research focuses on social movements, space and environment, and narratives of place and colonial ecological violence in public land management.
移民殖民主义塑造了美国公共土地的治理,对土著居民造成了生态社会的破坏。熊耳国家纪念碑于2016年12月在联邦政府和跨部落联盟之间前所未有的合作下建立。不到一年后,即2017年12月,特朗普政府发布了一项总统公告,将85%的受保护土地拆除并一分为二,用于能源勘探。我分析了2016年12月至2017年12月熊耳国家纪念碑的媒体报道,以观察这一框架对公共土地冲突中定居者国家消除项目的影响。我发现,通过对土著叙事的反复抹除和重定向,当地媒体的报道通过将土地归类为资产来集中定居者国家的利益,使定居者的政治关切成为核心争议问题。为了理解殖民生态暴力如何塑造公共土地的治理,比如特朗普政府时期的熊耳国家纪念碑(Bears Ears National Monument),学者们应该关注媒体如何推进地方叙事,并促进文化消除。关键词:殖民生态暴力定居者殖民主义熊耳国家纪念碑公共土地媒体致谢我要感谢Raoul Lievanos, Kari Norgaard, Ryan Light, Claire Herbert和Janet Smith合作社的成员,他们的评论和支持使本文的写作成为可能。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。关于撰稿人samanda Ricketts的说明samanda Ricketts,硕士,俄勒冈大学的博士生。他们的研究重点是社会运动,空间和环境,以及公共土地管理中的地方和殖民生态暴力的叙述。
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引用次数: 0
Performing zero waste: lifestyle movement, consumer culture, and promotion strategies of social media influencers 践行零浪费:生活方式运动、消费文化、社交媒体网红推广策略
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-08 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2267829
Danning Lu
ABSTRACTZero waste movement has been gaining popularity in the recent decade and social media influencers’ promotion is central to movement growth. How do influencers popularize zero waste lifestyle practices that counter the dominant consumption norms? Are their strategies successful? This article examines influencers’ lifestyle advocacy as social performance, focusing on their scripts and visual presentations to social media audience. Based on content analysis of 250 Instagram posts, this article uses a cultural sociology lens to analyze zero waste influencers’ strategies and the audience responses. Problematization of wasteful consumption norms and legitimization of zero waste alternatives through demonstrating its feasibility, attractiveness, and integration with socio-political concerns are four prominent strategies. Zero waste influencers employ performance elements such as textual and visual scripts, means of symbolic production, and mise-en-scene to enhance authenticity and mobilize zero waste practices. Meanwhile, insufficient accountability of corporate waste culprits, limited representativeness of the privileged influencers, and contradictory embeddedness in consumer culture still threaten the legitimacy of their performance. This article centers the analysis of sustainable lifestyle movement leaders and their social media presentation, which have been little discussed but increasingly important. It also provides practical strategies for promoting sustainable lifestyle on social media.KEYWORDS: zero wastelifestyle movementsustainable lifestyleconsumer culturesocial performancesocial media influencerconsumption AcknowledgementI express deep gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their detailed and insightful comments. I want to thank Dr. Philip Smith, Dr. Jeffrey Alexander, and all cultural sociology colleagues at Yale who have given valuable advice and supported me greatly during the publishing of this article. I am grateful for the zero waste community and practitioners who inspire me.dgments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Pictures from: trashisfortossers instagram page, book cover of zero waste: Simple Life Hacks to Drastically Reduce Your Trash, johnson.html’ title=“Ctrl+Click to follow link” element-type=“link” ref-type=“DOI” aid=“1s45y2i0x763v8a” icoretag=“uri” ia_version=’0”>https://zerowastemegan.weebly.com/bea-johnson.html, https://money.com/savings-eliminating-plastic-money-tips/2. Other terms including environmental/green/eco-friendly lifestyle refer to the same construct that I try to capture here, which is a lifestyle that intends to reduce environmental impact. Sustainable lifestyle entails subcategories including pro-environmental behaviors, sustainable consumption,anti-consumption, voluntary simplicity, vegetarianism, veganism etc.3. https://www.zerowaste.com/blog/the-top-ten-zero-waste-influencers-in-the-world-today/4. https://www.trvst.world/sustainable-liv
摘要近十年来,零废物运动越来越受欢迎,社交媒体网红的推广是运动发展的核心。有影响力的人如何推广零浪费的生活方式,以对抗主流的消费规范?他们的策略成功吗?本文将研究网红的生活方式倡导作为社会表现,重点关注他们在社交媒体上的脚本和视觉呈现。本文通过对250条Instagram帖子的内容分析,运用文化社会学的视角来分析零浪费网红的策略和受众的反应。通过证明其可行性、吸引力和与社会政治问题的结合,浪费消费规范的问题化和零废物替代方案的合法化是四个突出的战略。零废物影响者采用文本和视觉脚本、象征性生产手段和现场布置等表演元素来增强真实性并动员零废物实践。与此同时,企业浪费罪魁祸首的问责不足、特权影响者的代表性有限以及消费文化中相互矛盾的嵌入性仍然威胁着他们表现的合法性。这篇文章集中分析了可持续生活方式运动的领导者和他们在社交媒体上的表现,这一点很少被讨论,但越来越重要。它还提供了在社交媒体上推广可持续生活方式的实用策略。关键词:零浪费生活方式运动可持续生活方式消费文化社会绩效社交媒体影响力消费致谢感谢匿名评论者详细而深刻的评论我要感谢Philip Smith博士、Jeffrey Alexander博士以及所有耶鲁大学文化社会学的同事们,他们在我发表这篇文章的过程中给予了我宝贵的建议和极大的支持。我非常感谢零废物社区和给我启发的从业者。披露声明作者没有报告潜在的利益冲突。图片来自:trashisfortossers instagram页面,零浪费的书封面:简单的生活技巧,大幅减少你的垃圾,johnson.html ' title= " Ctrl+点击链接" element-type= " link " ref-type= " DOI " aid= " 1545y2i0x763v8a " icoretag= " uri " ia_version= " 0 " >https://zerowastemegan.weebly.com/bea-johnson.html, https://money.com/savings-eliminating-plastic-money-tips/2。其他术语包括环境/绿色/生态友好的生活方式,指的是我在这里试图捕捉的相同结构,这是一种旨在减少对环境影响的生活方式。可持续的生活方式包括亲环境行为、可持续消费、反消费、自愿简朴、素食主义、纯素食主义等子类。https://www.zerowaste.com/blog/the-top-ten-zero-waste-influencers-in-the-world-today/4。https://www.trvst.world/sustainable-living/eco-friendly/zero-waste-influencers/5。https://www.ecomasteryproject.com/zero-waste-influencers/6。零废物之家在2020年6月之后停止了发帖,因此此后的帖子无法用于分析。最近的帖子下的评论显示,比娅·约翰逊从那以后就中断了所有的社交媒体。我也将把这一现象包括在我的讨论中。谷歌的搜索结果显示,Anamarie Shreeves是Instagram账户zerowastehabesha的创始人,但在Instagram页面上,Freweyni Asress似乎是目前的账户运营者。作者在写作期间(2022年10月)出席了罗布·格林菲尔德在耶鲁大学农场发表的公开演讲。作者简介吕丹宁,中国环境社会科学研究员。她拥有耶鲁大学环境科学硕士学位,惠顿学院社会学学士学位和环境科学学士学位。她的研究主要集中在环境可持续性社会变革的原因和方式,尤其关注基层环保主义、公民消费者的可持续实践以及相应的制度变革。他的研究领域包括中国城市社区花园、零浪费生活方式运动、气候变化公众认知和政策支持。长期致力于减少消费废物、环境正义、气候传播和中国社会等方面的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Public perceptions of environmental degradation in the Arab World: evidence from surveys about water, air, and sanitation 阿拉伯世界公众对环境恶化的看法:来自水、空气和卫生设施调查的证据
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2251785
Nimah Mazaheri
ABSTRACTMany Arab countries are struggling to combat a range of environmental problems from air pollution to water salinization to overflowing garbage. Yet little is known about how people in this region perceive these environmental problems and the factors that influence their perceptions. This article analyzes surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer with 13,850 people across 12 Arab countries in 2018–19. The focus is on public perceptions about water pollution, air pollution, and trash. About 91% of respondents said that water pollution is a very serious or serious problem. About 89% and 73% feel the same way about trash and air pollution, respectively. Perceptions about environmental quality are mainly shaped by a person’s age, educational background, financial status, and how they view the current economic situation. Although perceptions about water and trash are directly connected to a national environmental quality measure, they are unconnected to specific measurements of clean water access and sanitation quality. Furthermore, perceptions about air quality are unconnected to any general or specific (national- or local-level) measurements. Instead, a person’s age, gender, educational background, financial status, and minority status are better predictors of how much they view air quality to be a problem. These findings shed light on the topic of environmental concern in a comparatively understudied area of the world, highlighting the ways that individual, local, and national factors shape how the average person evaluates environmental problems.KEYWORDS: EnvironmentpollutionArab worldpublicsurveys Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The term ‘Arab World’ refers to the 22 Arab countries located in the Greater Middle East and North African regions: Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.2. Studies of environmental attitudes in Middle Eastern countries that use qualitative, ethnographic, or case study approaches can be found in Croitoru et al. (Citation2010); Jones (Citation2010); Davis and Burke (Citation2011); and Sowers (Citation2013).3. Dunlap et al. (Citation1993), p. 10. Note that Turkey was the only Middle Eastern country surveyed in this study.4. For instance, refer to the survey by the AFED (Citation2017), which uses online convenience sampling methods.5. It is expected that online surveys with probability-based designs will soon be marshaled to generate insights into the environmental attitudes across the Middle East and North Africa. Online surveys are already widely employed in the study of political behavior in the United States (Ansolabehere and Schaffner Citation2018), and this choice of survey mode only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Arab Barometer project, too, was affected by the p
许多阿拉伯国家正在与一系列环境问题作斗争,从空气污染到水盐碱化再到垃圾泛滥。然而,对于该地区的人们如何看待这些环境问题以及影响他们看法的因素,人们知之甚少。本文分析了阿拉伯晴雨表在2018 - 2019年对12个阿拉伯国家的13850人进行的调查。调查的重点是公众对水污染、空气污染和垃圾的看法。约91%的受访者认为水污染是一个非常严重或严重的问题。大约89%和73%的人分别对垃圾和空气污染有同样的看法。对环境质量的看法主要是由一个人的年龄、教育背景、经济状况以及他们对当前经济形势的看法所决定的。虽然对水和垃圾的看法与国家环境质量措施直接相关,但它们与清洁水获取和卫生质量的具体测量无关。此外,对空气质量的看法与任何一般或具体(国家或地方层面)的测量结果无关。相反,一个人的年龄、性别、教育背景、经济状况和少数民族身份可以更好地预测他们对空气质量问题的看法。这些发现揭示了世界上一个研究相对不足的地区的环境问题,突出了个人、地方和国家因素影响普通人如何评估环境问题的方式。关键词:环境污染阿拉伯世界公众调查披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。“阿拉伯世界”一词指的是位于大中东和北非地区的22个阿拉伯国家:阿尔及利亚、巴林、科摩罗群岛、吉布提、埃及、伊拉克、约旦、科威特、黎巴嫩、利比亚、摩洛哥、毛里塔尼亚、阿曼、巴勒斯坦、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯、索马里、苏丹、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿拉伯联合酋长国和也门。Croitoru等人使用定性、人种学或案例研究方法对中东国家的环境态度进行了研究(Citation2010);琼斯(Citation2010);Davis and Burke (citation);2 .中国农业大学学报(自然科学版)。Dunlap et al. (Citation1993),第10页。请注意,土耳其是本研究中唯一被调查的中东国家。例如,参考AFED的调查(Citation2017),它使用在线方便的抽样方法。预计基于概率设计的在线调查将很快被组织起来,以深入了解中东和北非的环境态度。在线调查已经广泛应用于美国的政治行为研究(Ansolabehere和Schaffner Citation2018),这种调查模式的选择在COVID-19大流行期间才有所增加。阿拉伯晴雨表项目也受到大流行的影响,并在其第六次浪潮中转向电话调查。不幸的是,关于环境的问题在这一波中被省略了,这使得第五波调查数据成为独一无二的有价值的来源。请注意,科威特只在有关空气质量的问题上出现在样本中。没有向科威特人询问水质或卫生情况。参见Dunlap and Emmet Jones (Citation2002),第515.8页关于测量的讨论。关于在环境背景下使用商品与非使用商品的问题,请参阅gok<e:1>等人(Citation2002);9.美国国家科学院、工程院和医学院(Citation2005)。其他可能的选项是“不知道”和“拒绝回答”。如果选择了其中一个选项,则在分析样本中省略被调查者。省是阿拉伯晴雨表在抽样过程中指定和使用的次国家级人口单位。省有时(但不总是)与一个国家的省或州一致,但并非所有国家都有同样的分权政治结构。每个国家的省数如下:阿尔及利亚(36个)、埃及(24个)、伊拉克(16个)、约旦(12个)、科威特(6个)、黎巴嫩(8个)、利比亚(21个)、摩洛哥(12个)、巴勒斯坦(17个)、苏丹(16个)、突尼斯(24个)和也门(21个)。受访者在以下选项中选择一个:(1)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临重大困难’;(2)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临一些困难。(3)“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,没有明显困难”;“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,我们有能力储蓄。”只有2020年的数据可用,利比亚、巴勒斯坦和也门的观测数据缺失。这是通过将比值比(1.067)的值提高到5的幂来计算的。5是将拥有大学学位的人与没有受过正规教育的人区分开来的教育变量的单位数。 请注意,这里使用的是第1列的结果,其中环境绩效包含在模型中,由于缺少数据而忽略了巴勒斯坦。第二列报告了去掉Environmental Performance后的结果,这允许在样本中包含巴勒斯坦。在这种情况下,教育的优势比略低,表明受过大学教育的阿拉伯人比没有受过正规教育的阿拉伯人的优势高出31%。这并不是说环境种族主义和相关的动态在阿拉伯世界没有发生。例如,参考Jones (Citation2010)关于沙特阿拉伯的文章。作者简介:尼玛·马扎赫里是塔夫茨大学政治学副教授。他目前的研究重点是中东地区能源和环境的政治经济。他最近的著作是《碳氢化合物公民:石油如何改变中东的人民和政治》(牛津大学出版社,2022年)。
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引用次数: 0
Locking-in white-nose syndrome? The limits of the endangered species act & non-charismatic megafauna 白鼻闭锁综合症?《濒危物种法》的限制non-charismatic巨型动物
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2261684
Jordan Hadlock, Brent Z. Kaup
ABSTRACTWhite-nose syndrome is a deadly pathogenic fungus that has killed millions of bats. In this article, we ask why, despite a well-coordinated response and a relatively steady federal funding stream, WNS has continued to spread with lethal results? To answer this question, we bring together the tools of political ecologists studying health and diseases with social scientific observations on the impacts of lock-ins on social change. We argue that while federal legislation such as the Endangered Species Act (ESA) allowed researchers to quickly recognize the emergence of WNS, the ESA’s focus and directives to protect individual species constrained the ability of scientists to more rapidly understand both the fungus causing WNS and the broader ecosystem dynamics in which the disease can flourish. In addition, while the ESA was written to protect endangered species regardless of their public perception or perceived economic value, such dynamics influence what gets classified as endangered and how much funding a species receives for protection. We thus further argue that the anthropocentric nature of policy making has made it difficult to address WNS and other wildlife diseases with less obvious human impacts in a more holistic way.KEYWORDS: White-nose syndromeendangered species actpolitical ecologylock-ins AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to thank Amy A. Quark and the studies’ participants who took the time out of their schedules to read over earlier drafts of the manuscript. All errors and claims are of course the responsibility of the authors.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. When first discovered, the fungus was scientifically referred to as Geomyces destructans.2. We recognize that justifying the focus of this manuscript on the economic importance and value of bats is a bit ironic. As many of our informants noted, bats have intrinsic value and are distinctly unique mammals. However, given the anthropocentric nature of the discipline of sociology, we highlight their value to human populations here.3. Bats in Europe are thought to have evolved a resistance to P. destructans and do not suffer from WNS even when the fungus is present on their bodies or in their caves (Blehert et al. Citation2009).Additional informationFundingThe research for this paper was funded by the William & Mary Environment & Sustainability Program Undergraduate Summer Research Fellowship.Notes on contributorsJordan HadlockJordan Hadlock is a student in Department of Sociology and the Environment & Sustainability Program at William & Mary. They have future career and research aspirations in conservation and social and environmental justice.Brent Z. KaupBrent Z. Kaup is a Professor of Sociology at William & Mary. His research focuses on the links between finance, landscape change, and infectious disease.
摘要白鼻综合征是一种致命的致病真菌,已经杀死了数百万只蝙蝠。在这篇文章中,我们要问的是,尽管有协调良好的应对措施和相对稳定的联邦资金流,WNS仍然继续传播并造成致命的后果。为了回答这个问题,我们将政治生态学家研究健康和疾病的工具与锁定对社会变革影响的社会科学观察结合起来。我们认为,尽管《濒危物种法》(ESA)等联邦立法允许研究人员迅速认识到WNS的出现,但ESA对保护单个物种的关注和指令限制了科学家更快地了解引起WNS的真菌和疾病可能蓬勃发展的更广泛的生态系统动态的能力。此外,尽管ESA是为了保护濒危物种而编写的,不管它们的公众看法或感知的经济价值如何,但这种动态影响了哪些物种被列为濒危物种,以及一个物种获得多少保护资金。因此,我们进一步认为,政策制定的人类中心主义性质使得难以以更全面的方式解决WNS和其他人类影响不太明显的野生动物疾病。关键词:白鼻综合征;濒危物种;政治生态锁定;致谢作者要感谢Amy A. Quark和研究参与者在他们的时间表之外花时间阅读了手稿的早期草稿。所有的错误和主张当然是作者的责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。当这种真菌第一次被发现时,科学上称其为破坏地菌。我们认识到,将这份手稿的重点放在蝙蝠的经济重要性和价值上是有点讽刺的。正如我们的许多线人所指出的那样,蝙蝠具有内在价值,是一种独特的哺乳动物。然而,鉴于社会学学科的人类中心主义性质,我们在这里强调它们对人类人口的价值。欧洲的蝙蝠被认为已经进化出了对破坏假单胞菌的抵抗力,即使真菌存在于它们的身体或洞穴中,也不会患WNS (Blehert等人)。Citation2009)。本论文的研究由William & Mary环境与可持续发展项目本科生暑期研究奖学金资助。作者jordan Hadlock是威廉玛丽学院社会学系和环境与可持续发展项目的学生。他们未来的职业和研究目标是保护和社会与环境正义。布伦特·z·考普是威廉玛丽大学的社会学教授。他的研究重点是金融、景观变化和传染病之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Politics in the energy-security nexus: an epistemic governance approach to the zero-carbon energy transition in Finland, Estonia, and Norway 能源安全关系中的政治:芬兰、爱沙尼亚和挪威零碳能源转型的认知治理方法
Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2251873
Marja Helena Sivonen, Paula Kivimaa
To reduce the energy sector’s CO2 emissions, sustainability transitions are essential but may have unexpected national security consequences. We investigate policymaking around energy transitions and national security, combining sociology with sustainability transitions thinking to analyse 73 policy documents issued between 2006 and 2023 in Estonia, Finland, and Norway and investigate how zero-carbon energy and security issues have co-evolved with, strengthened, or undermined one another by analysing the rhetoric in official national strategy documents. With an epistemic governance framework, we identify the discourses that contextualise, justify, and explain policymaking in the energy–security nexus. We find that sustainable energy transitions are strengthened by connections to national security when alternative energy niches have matured but undermined for the same reason when fossil fuels are viewed as more robust sources of security. We detect policy intervention points aiming to indicate how transitions are enabled. Estonia and Finland evince strategic directions to destabilise the regime while supporting niches, whereas Norway focuses on continued oil and gas production. Whereas all are in principle in favour of sustainability transitions, they define transitions differently: Estonia values national sovereignty, Finland preparedness and the economy, and Norway sustainable development and economic security tied to hydrocarbons.
为了减少能源部门的二氧化碳排放,可持续转型是必不可少的,但可能会带来意想不到的国家安全后果。我们研究了围绕能源转型和国家安全的政策制定,将社会学与可持续性转型思维相结合,分析了爱沙尼亚、芬兰和挪威在2006年至2023年间发布的73份政策文件,并通过分析官方国家战略文件中的措辞,调查了零碳能源和安全问题是如何相互演变、加强或破坏的。通过认识论治理框架,我们确定了将能源安全关系中的政策制定置于背景下的话语,证明并解释了这些话语。我们发现,当替代能源利基成熟时,可持续能源转型会因与国家安全的联系而得到加强,但当化石燃料被视为更可靠的安全来源时,可持续能源转型也会因同样的原因而受到削弱。我们检测旨在指示如何启用转换的策略干预点。爱沙尼亚和芬兰的战略方向是动摇政权,同时支持利基市场,而挪威则专注于持续的石油和天然气生产。虽然原则上所有国家都支持可持续转型,但它们对转型的定义不同:爱沙尼亚重视国家主权,芬兰重视准备和经济,挪威重视与碳氢化合物相关的可持续发展和经济安全。
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Environmental Sociology
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