Far-right reflexology: a periphery-to-centre approach for the study of the far-right

IF 0.7 2区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Politics Religion & Ideology Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI:10.1080/21567689.2023.2279158
Felix Pal
{"title":"Far-right reflexology: a periphery-to-centre approach for the study of the far-right","authors":"Felix Pal","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2279158","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTTo address the problem of participant access, central in the study of the far-right, scholars of far-right mobilisations navigate between a methodological rock and a hard place. Either scholars produce in-depth qualitative accounts, putting their safety and ethical commitments at risk, or scholars study far-right mobilisations from a distance and produce limited externalist accounts that centre large surveys, quantitative studies and electoral analysis at the expense of granular detail. Inspired by the medical logics of reflexology, I propose one solution to this impasse that understands the impenetrable centres of far-right networks through their peripheries. I argue that far-right network peripheries—often more accessible to scholars—share personnel, information and resources with network centres, revealing much about these often secretive central organizational nodes. I advocate for deep qualitative work on the far-right (thus avoiding externalist pitfalls) but in the peripheries of far-right networks (thus avoiding safety and ethical risks). Refocusing on far-right peripheries opens a number of analytical doors that decentre the study of electoral politics and refocus on far-right embeddedness in civil society networks. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 There is substantial debate over the term far-right, but Mudde’s definition remains standard across much of the literature on far-right movements. See Cas Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). I do, however, discard his use of populism as a key marker of far-rightness because it fails to capture mobilisations outside of Europe or North America like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Nippon Kaigi and Front Pembela Islam, who appear clearly far-right in the content of their thought, but are ambivalent in their populism.2 Nonna Mayer, ‘Political Science Approaches to the Far Right’, in Stephen Ashe, Joel Busher, Graham Macklin and Aaron Winter (eds) Researching the Far Right: Theory, Method and Practices (London: Routledge, 2021), pp. 17–31.3 Elisabeth Carter, ‘Right-Wing Extremism/Radicalism: Reconstructing the Concept’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 23:2 (2018), pp. 157–182.4 Kathleen Blee, ‘Ethnographies of the Far-Right’, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 36:2 (2007), pp. 119–128; Pietro Castelli Gattinara, ‘The Study of the Far Right and its Three E’s: Why Scholarship Must Go Beyond Eurocentrism, Electoralism and Externalism’, French Politics, 18 (2020), pp. 314–333.5 Mayer, op. cit.6 Joel Busher, ‘Negotiating Ethical Dilemmas During an Ethnographic Study of Anti-Minority Activity’, in Stephen Ashe, Joel Busher, Graham Macklin and Aaron Winter (eds) Researching the Far Right: Theory, Method and Practices (London: Routledge, 2021), pp. 270–283.7 Werner Ulrich, ‘Beyond Methodology Choice: Critical Systems Thinking as Critically Systemic Discourse’, Journal of the Operational Research Society, 54:4 (2003), pp. 325–342.8 Gattinara, op. cit.9 Donatella della Porta, Joseba Fernández, Hara Kouki, and Lorenzo Mosca, Movement Parties Against Austerity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2017); Gregory Koger, Seth Masket and Hans Noel, ‘Partisan Webs: Information Exchange and Party Networks’, British Journal of Political Science, 39:3 (2009), pp. 633–653.10 Paul Cilliers, ‘Boundaries, Hierarchies and Networks in Complex Systems’, International Journal of Innovation Management, 5:2 (2001), pp. 135–147; Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).11 Latour, op. cit.; Koger, Masket and Noel, op. cit.12 Katy Brown, Aurelien Mondon and Aaron Winter, ‘The Far Right, the Mainstream and Mainstreaming: Towards a Heuristic Framework’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 28:2 (2023), pp. 162–179.13 Helmut Anheier, ‘Movement Development and Organisational Networks: The Role of ‘Single Members’ in the German Nazi Party, 1925–30’, in Mario Diani and Doug McAdam (eds) Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 49–74; Sheri Berman, ‘Civil Society and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic’, World Politics, 49:3 (1997), pp. 401–429; Jason Kaufman, For the Common Good? American Civic Life and the Golden Age of Fraternity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).14 Dvora Yanow, ‘Organizational Ethnography and Methodological Angst: Myths and Challenges in the Field’, Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management, 4:2 (2009), pp. 186–199.15 Olivier Berthod, Michael Grother-Hammer and Jörg Sydow, ‘Network Ethnography: A Mixed-Method Approach for the Study of Practices in Interorganizational Settings’, Organizational Research Methods, 20:2 (2017), pp. 299–323.16 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.17 Yuka Kitayama, ‘The Rise of the Far Right in Japan, and Challenges Posed for Education’, London Review of Education, 16:2 (2018), pp. 250–267.18 Jelena Dzombic, ‘Rightwing Extremism in Serbia’, Race & Class, 55:4 (2014), pp. 106–110.19 Vice John Batarelo, ‘A Troubled Relationship: The Croatian Diaspora in Australia Between 1963 and 1973’, Croatian Studies Review, 10:1 (2014), pp. 57–84.20 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.21 Anheier, op. cit.; David Art, Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Anikó Félix, ‘Old Missions in New Clothes: The Reproduction of the Nation As Women’s Main Role Perceived by Female Supporters of Golden Dawn and Jobbik’, Intersections: East European Journal of Society and Politics, 1:1 (2015), pp. 166–182.22 Cassie McMillan, Diane Felmlee and Dave Braines, ‘Dynamic Patterns of Terrorist Networks: Efficiency and Security in the Evolution of Eleven Islamic Extremist Attack Networks’, Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 36:3 (2019), pp. 559–581.23 Caterina Froio and Bharath Ganesh, ‘The Transnationalisation of Far Right Discourse on Twitter: Issues and Actors That Cross Borders in Western European Democracies’, European Societies, 21:4 (2019), pp. 513–539; Aleksandra Urman and Stefan Katz, ‘What They Do in the Shadows: Examining the Far-Right Networks on Telegram’, Information, Communication & Society, 25:7 (2022), pp. 904–923; Yannick Veilleux-Lepage and Emil Archambault, ‘Mapping Transnational Extremist Networks: An Exploratory Study of the Soldiers of Odin’s Facebook Network, Using Integrated Social Network Analysis’, Perspectives on Terrorism, 13:2 (2019), pp. 21–38.24 Jeffrey Simon, Lone Wolf Terrorism: Understanding the Growing Threat (Amherst, MA: Prometheus Books, 2013).25 Andrea Pirro, Elena Pavan, Adam Fagan and David Gazsi, ‘Close Ever, Distant Never? Integrating Protest Event and Social Network Approaches Into the Transformation of the Hungarian Far Right’, Party Politics, 27:1 (2021), pp. 22–34.26 Edward Laumann, Peter Marsden, and David Prensky, ‘The Boundary Specification Problem in Network Analysis’, in Ronald Burt and Michael Minor (eds) Applied Network Analysis (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1983); Keith Provan, Amy Fish and Joerg Sydow, ‘Interorganizational Networks at the Network level: A Review of the Empirical Literature on Whole Networks’, Journal of Management, 33:3 (2007), pp. 479–516.27 Jordan McSwiney, ‘Social Networks and Digital Organisation: Far Right Parties at the 2019 Australian Federal Election’, Information, Communication & Society, 24:10 (2021), pp. 1401–1418.28 Kathleen Blee, Inside Organised Racism: Women in the Hate Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Blee, ‘Ethnographies’, op. cit.; Kalyani Menon, Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010).29 Anheier, op. cit.; Urman and Katz, op. cit.30 Sabrang, ‘The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Founding of Hindutva’, South Asia Citizens Web, 2002, www.stopfundinghate.com (accessed 21 October 2022).31 Urman and Katz, op. cit.32 McSwiney, op. cit.33 Carter, op. cit.34 Gattinara, op. cit.; Yoonkyung Lee, ‘Introduction to ‘Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion’, Politics and Society, 49:3 (2021), pp. 303–310; Eviane Leidig, ‘Hindutva as a Variant of Right-Wing Extremism’, Patterns of Prejudice, 54:3 (2020), pp. 215–237; Arild Engelsen Ruud and Mubashar Hasan, ‘Radical Right Islamists in Bangladesh: A Counter-Intuitive Argument’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 22:1 (2021), pp. 71–88.35 Brown, Mondon and Winter, op. cit.36 Saipul Hamdi, Paul Carnegie and Bianca Smith, ‘The Recovery of a Non-Violent Identity for an Islamist pesantren in an Age of Terror’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 69:6 (2015), pp. 692–710; International Crisis Group, ‘Buddhism and State Power in Myanmar’, International Crisis Group, 2017, https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/290-buddhismand-state-power-myanmar (Accessed 5 April 2022).37 Tihomir Cipek and Stjepan Lacković, ‘Civil Society and the Rise of the Radical Right in Poland’, Croatian Political Science Review, 56:3 (2019), pp. 153–176; Molnár Virág, ‘Civil Society, Radicalism and the Rediscovery of Mythic Nationalism’, Nations and Nationalism, 22:1 (2015), pp. 165–185.38 For example, in Japan, while it was active, Zaitokukai remained identifiably pro-establishment, even as it criticised government welfare benefits for Zainichi Koreans. In Thailand, the central issue that the far-right has mobilised around, whether Nawaphon and the Red Gaurs in the 1970s or Social Sanction and Rubbish Collection Organisation in the 21st century, is status quo royalist loyalty.39 Robert Futrell, Pete Simi and Simon Gottschalk, ‘Understanding Music in Movements: The White Power Music Scene’, The Sociological Quarterly, 47:2 (2006), pp. 275–304.40 Cynthia Miller-Idriss, The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialisation and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018).41 Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (London: Vintage, 1993).42 Margaret Stuart, ‘Unravelling Imperial Knots: Teaching New Zealand History Contrapuntally’, New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, 57 (2022), pp. 69–86.43 Russell Curtis Jr. and Louis Zurcher, ‘Stable Resources of Protest Movements: The Multi-Organizational Field’, Social Forces, 52:1 (1973), pp. 53–61; David Knoke, ‘Networks of Political Action: Toward Theory Construction’, Social Forces, 68:4 (1990), pp. 1041–1063.44 Far right political parties, like outreach organisations, are not covert, but they are almost always highly central in far-right networks, and so are excluded from a periphery to centre approach to inter-organisational networks.45 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.46 Cristophe Jaffrelot, Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021).47 Abdul Ghafoor Noorani, The RSS: A Menace to India (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2019).48 Des Raj Goyal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (New Delhi: Radhakrishna Prakashan, 2000); Thomas Blom Hansen, Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); Christophe Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s: Strategies of Identity Building, Implantation and Mobilisation (London: Hurst & Co, 1996); Pralay Kanungo, RSS’ Tryst With Politics: From Hedgewar to Sudarshan (New Delhi: Manohar Press, 2002).49 Felix Pal, ‘Why Muslims join the Muslim wing of the RSS’, Contemporary South Asia, 28:3 (2020), pp. 275–287; Lalit Vachani, ‘When Hindutva Performs Muslimness: Ethnographic Encounters with the Muslim Rashtriya Manch’, in Thomas Blom Hansen and Srirupa Roy (eds) Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022), pp. 219–250.50 Vachani, op. cit.51 Noorani, op. cit.52 Goyal, op. cit., p. 24.53 Hansen, op. cit.54 Kanungo, op. cit.55 Exceptions to this include Malini Bhattacharjee, Disaster Relief and the RSS: Resurrecting ‘Religion’ Through Humanitarianism (New Delhi: Sage, 2019); Kyrsztof Iwanek, Endless Siege: Education and Nationalism in Vidya Bharati Schools (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022); Tanika Sarkar, ‘How the Sangh Parivar Writes and Teaches History’, in Angana Chatterji, Thomas Blom Hansen and Christophe Jaffrelot (eds) Majoritarian State: How Hindu Nationalism is Changing India (London: C Hurst & Co, 2019), pp. 151–175; Tariq Thachil, Elite Parties, Poor Voters: How Social Services Win Votes in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).56 M.G. Chitkara, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: National Upsurge (New Delhi: APH Publishing, 2004).57 Mattison Mines and Vijayalakshmi Gourishankar, ‘Leadership and Individuality in South Asia: The Case of the South Indian Big-Man’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 49:4 (1990), pp. 761–786.58 Mark Granovetter, ‘The Strength of Weak Ties’, American Journal of Sociology, 78:6 (1973), pp. 1360–1380.59 Hindu Seva Pratishthana, ‘About Us’, Hindu Seva Pratishthana (n.d.), https://hinduseva.org/Founder (Accessed 21 October 2022).60 Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh, ‘ About Us’, Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh, (n.d.), https://brms.org.in/ (Accessed 20 October 2022).61 Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited, ‘Major CSR Projects’, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited, (2021), https://ongcindia.com/web/eng/csr/major-csrprojects (Accessed 21 October 2022).62 Bhattacharjee, op. cit.63 Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti, ‘List of Donors’, Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2013), https://www.ubssseva.org/list-of-donor.php (Accessed 21 October 2022).64 Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti, ‘Relief and Rehabilitation’, Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2021), https://www.ubssseva.org/relief.php (Accessed 21 October 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsFelix PalFelix Pal is a lecturer of politics and international relations at the School of Social Sciences at the University of Western Australia.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Politics Religion & Ideology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2279158","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTTo address the problem of participant access, central in the study of the far-right, scholars of far-right mobilisations navigate between a methodological rock and a hard place. Either scholars produce in-depth qualitative accounts, putting their safety and ethical commitments at risk, or scholars study far-right mobilisations from a distance and produce limited externalist accounts that centre large surveys, quantitative studies and electoral analysis at the expense of granular detail. Inspired by the medical logics of reflexology, I propose one solution to this impasse that understands the impenetrable centres of far-right networks through their peripheries. I argue that far-right network peripheries—often more accessible to scholars—share personnel, information and resources with network centres, revealing much about these often secretive central organizational nodes. I advocate for deep qualitative work on the far-right (thus avoiding externalist pitfalls) but in the peripheries of far-right networks (thus avoiding safety and ethical risks). Refocusing on far-right peripheries opens a number of analytical doors that decentre the study of electoral politics and refocus on far-right embeddedness in civil society networks. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 There is substantial debate over the term far-right, but Mudde’s definition remains standard across much of the literature on far-right movements. See Cas Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). I do, however, discard his use of populism as a key marker of far-rightness because it fails to capture mobilisations outside of Europe or North America like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Nippon Kaigi and Front Pembela Islam, who appear clearly far-right in the content of their thought, but are ambivalent in their populism.2 Nonna Mayer, ‘Political Science Approaches to the Far Right’, in Stephen Ashe, Joel Busher, Graham Macklin and Aaron Winter (eds) Researching the Far Right: Theory, Method and Practices (London: Routledge, 2021), pp. 17–31.3 Elisabeth Carter, ‘Right-Wing Extremism/Radicalism: Reconstructing the Concept’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 23:2 (2018), pp. 157–182.4 Kathleen Blee, ‘Ethnographies of the Far-Right’, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 36:2 (2007), pp. 119–128; Pietro Castelli Gattinara, ‘The Study of the Far Right and its Three E’s: Why Scholarship Must Go Beyond Eurocentrism, Electoralism and Externalism’, French Politics, 18 (2020), pp. 314–333.5 Mayer, op. cit.6 Joel Busher, ‘Negotiating Ethical Dilemmas During an Ethnographic Study of Anti-Minority Activity’, in Stephen Ashe, Joel Busher, Graham Macklin and Aaron Winter (eds) Researching the Far Right: Theory, Method and Practices (London: Routledge, 2021), pp. 270–283.7 Werner Ulrich, ‘Beyond Methodology Choice: Critical Systems Thinking as Critically Systemic Discourse’, Journal of the Operational Research Society, 54:4 (2003), pp. 325–342.8 Gattinara, op. cit.9 Donatella della Porta, Joseba Fernández, Hara Kouki, and Lorenzo Mosca, Movement Parties Against Austerity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2017); Gregory Koger, Seth Masket and Hans Noel, ‘Partisan Webs: Information Exchange and Party Networks’, British Journal of Political Science, 39:3 (2009), pp. 633–653.10 Paul Cilliers, ‘Boundaries, Hierarchies and Networks in Complex Systems’, International Journal of Innovation Management, 5:2 (2001), pp. 135–147; Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).11 Latour, op. cit.; Koger, Masket and Noel, op. cit.12 Katy Brown, Aurelien Mondon and Aaron Winter, ‘The Far Right, the Mainstream and Mainstreaming: Towards a Heuristic Framework’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 28:2 (2023), pp. 162–179.13 Helmut Anheier, ‘Movement Development and Organisational Networks: The Role of ‘Single Members’ in the German Nazi Party, 1925–30’, in Mario Diani and Doug McAdam (eds) Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 49–74; Sheri Berman, ‘Civil Society and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic’, World Politics, 49:3 (1997), pp. 401–429; Jason Kaufman, For the Common Good? American Civic Life and the Golden Age of Fraternity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).14 Dvora Yanow, ‘Organizational Ethnography and Methodological Angst: Myths and Challenges in the Field’, Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management, 4:2 (2009), pp. 186–199.15 Olivier Berthod, Michael Grother-Hammer and Jörg Sydow, ‘Network Ethnography: A Mixed-Method Approach for the Study of Practices in Interorganizational Settings’, Organizational Research Methods, 20:2 (2017), pp. 299–323.16 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.17 Yuka Kitayama, ‘The Rise of the Far Right in Japan, and Challenges Posed for Education’, London Review of Education, 16:2 (2018), pp. 250–267.18 Jelena Dzombic, ‘Rightwing Extremism in Serbia’, Race & Class, 55:4 (2014), pp. 106–110.19 Vice John Batarelo, ‘A Troubled Relationship: The Croatian Diaspora in Australia Between 1963 and 1973’, Croatian Studies Review, 10:1 (2014), pp. 57–84.20 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.21 Anheier, op. cit.; David Art, Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Anikó Félix, ‘Old Missions in New Clothes: The Reproduction of the Nation As Women’s Main Role Perceived by Female Supporters of Golden Dawn and Jobbik’, Intersections: East European Journal of Society and Politics, 1:1 (2015), pp. 166–182.22 Cassie McMillan, Diane Felmlee and Dave Braines, ‘Dynamic Patterns of Terrorist Networks: Efficiency and Security in the Evolution of Eleven Islamic Extremist Attack Networks’, Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 36:3 (2019), pp. 559–581.23 Caterina Froio and Bharath Ganesh, ‘The Transnationalisation of Far Right Discourse on Twitter: Issues and Actors That Cross Borders in Western European Democracies’, European Societies, 21:4 (2019), pp. 513–539; Aleksandra Urman and Stefan Katz, ‘What They Do in the Shadows: Examining the Far-Right Networks on Telegram’, Information, Communication & Society, 25:7 (2022), pp. 904–923; Yannick Veilleux-Lepage and Emil Archambault, ‘Mapping Transnational Extremist Networks: An Exploratory Study of the Soldiers of Odin’s Facebook Network, Using Integrated Social Network Analysis’, Perspectives on Terrorism, 13:2 (2019), pp. 21–38.24 Jeffrey Simon, Lone Wolf Terrorism: Understanding the Growing Threat (Amherst, MA: Prometheus Books, 2013).25 Andrea Pirro, Elena Pavan, Adam Fagan and David Gazsi, ‘Close Ever, Distant Never? Integrating Protest Event and Social Network Approaches Into the Transformation of the Hungarian Far Right’, Party Politics, 27:1 (2021), pp. 22–34.26 Edward Laumann, Peter Marsden, and David Prensky, ‘The Boundary Specification Problem in Network Analysis’, in Ronald Burt and Michael Minor (eds) Applied Network Analysis (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1983); Keith Provan, Amy Fish and Joerg Sydow, ‘Interorganizational Networks at the Network level: A Review of the Empirical Literature on Whole Networks’, Journal of Management, 33:3 (2007), pp. 479–516.27 Jordan McSwiney, ‘Social Networks and Digital Organisation: Far Right Parties at the 2019 Australian Federal Election’, Information, Communication & Society, 24:10 (2021), pp. 1401–1418.28 Kathleen Blee, Inside Organised Racism: Women in the Hate Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Blee, ‘Ethnographies’, op. cit.; Kalyani Menon, Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010).29 Anheier, op. cit.; Urman and Katz, op. cit.30 Sabrang, ‘The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Founding of Hindutva’, South Asia Citizens Web, 2002, www.stopfundinghate.com (accessed 21 October 2022).31 Urman and Katz, op. cit.32 McSwiney, op. cit.33 Carter, op. cit.34 Gattinara, op. cit.; Yoonkyung Lee, ‘Introduction to ‘Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion’, Politics and Society, 49:3 (2021), pp. 303–310; Eviane Leidig, ‘Hindutva as a Variant of Right-Wing Extremism’, Patterns of Prejudice, 54:3 (2020), pp. 215–237; Arild Engelsen Ruud and Mubashar Hasan, ‘Radical Right Islamists in Bangladesh: A Counter-Intuitive Argument’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 22:1 (2021), pp. 71–88.35 Brown, Mondon and Winter, op. cit.36 Saipul Hamdi, Paul Carnegie and Bianca Smith, ‘The Recovery of a Non-Violent Identity for an Islamist pesantren in an Age of Terror’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 69:6 (2015), pp. 692–710; International Crisis Group, ‘Buddhism and State Power in Myanmar’, International Crisis Group, 2017, https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/290-buddhismand-state-power-myanmar (Accessed 5 April 2022).37 Tihomir Cipek and Stjepan Lacković, ‘Civil Society and the Rise of the Radical Right in Poland’, Croatian Political Science Review, 56:3 (2019), pp. 153–176; Molnár Virág, ‘Civil Society, Radicalism and the Rediscovery of Mythic Nationalism’, Nations and Nationalism, 22:1 (2015), pp. 165–185.38 For example, in Japan, while it was active, Zaitokukai remained identifiably pro-establishment, even as it criticised government welfare benefits for Zainichi Koreans. In Thailand, the central issue that the far-right has mobilised around, whether Nawaphon and the Red Gaurs in the 1970s or Social Sanction and Rubbish Collection Organisation in the 21st century, is status quo royalist loyalty.39 Robert Futrell, Pete Simi and Simon Gottschalk, ‘Understanding Music in Movements: The White Power Music Scene’, The Sociological Quarterly, 47:2 (2006), pp. 275–304.40 Cynthia Miller-Idriss, The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialisation and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018).41 Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (London: Vintage, 1993).42 Margaret Stuart, ‘Unravelling Imperial Knots: Teaching New Zealand History Contrapuntally’, New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, 57 (2022), pp. 69–86.43 Russell Curtis Jr. and Louis Zurcher, ‘Stable Resources of Protest Movements: The Multi-Organizational Field’, Social Forces, 52:1 (1973), pp. 53–61; David Knoke, ‘Networks of Political Action: Toward Theory Construction’, Social Forces, 68:4 (1990), pp. 1041–1063.44 Far right political parties, like outreach organisations, are not covert, but they are almost always highly central in far-right networks, and so are excluded from a periphery to centre approach to inter-organisational networks.45 Berthod, Grother-Hammer and Sydow, op. cit.46 Cristophe Jaffrelot, Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021).47 Abdul Ghafoor Noorani, The RSS: A Menace to India (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2019).48 Des Raj Goyal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (New Delhi: Radhakrishna Prakashan, 2000); Thomas Blom Hansen, Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); Christophe Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s: Strategies of Identity Building, Implantation and Mobilisation (London: Hurst & Co, 1996); Pralay Kanungo, RSS’ Tryst With Politics: From Hedgewar to Sudarshan (New Delhi: Manohar Press, 2002).49 Felix Pal, ‘Why Muslims join the Muslim wing of the RSS’, Contemporary South Asia, 28:3 (2020), pp. 275–287; Lalit Vachani, ‘When Hindutva Performs Muslimness: Ethnographic Encounters with the Muslim Rashtriya Manch’, in Thomas Blom Hansen and Srirupa Roy (eds) Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022), pp. 219–250.50 Vachani, op. cit.51 Noorani, op. cit.52 Goyal, op. cit., p. 24.53 Hansen, op. cit.54 Kanungo, op. cit.55 Exceptions to this include Malini Bhattacharjee, Disaster Relief and the RSS: Resurrecting ‘Religion’ Through Humanitarianism (New Delhi: Sage, 2019); Kyrsztof Iwanek, Endless Siege: Education and Nationalism in Vidya Bharati Schools (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022); Tanika Sarkar, ‘How the Sangh Parivar Writes and Teaches History’, in Angana Chatterji, Thomas Blom Hansen and Christophe Jaffrelot (eds) Majoritarian State: How Hindu Nationalism is Changing India (London: C Hurst & Co, 2019), pp. 151–175; Tariq Thachil, Elite Parties, Poor Voters: How Social Services Win Votes in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).56 M.G. Chitkara, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: National Upsurge (New Delhi: APH Publishing, 2004).57 Mattison Mines and Vijayalakshmi Gourishankar, ‘Leadership and Individuality in South Asia: The Case of the South Indian Big-Man’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 49:4 (1990), pp. 761–786.58 Mark Granovetter, ‘The Strength of Weak Ties’, American Journal of Sociology, 78:6 (1973), pp. 1360–1380.59 Hindu Seva Pratishthana, ‘About Us’, Hindu Seva Pratishthana (n.d.), https://hinduseva.org/Founder (Accessed 21 October 2022).60 Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh, ‘ About Us’, Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh, (n.d.), https://brms.org.in/ (Accessed 20 October 2022).61 Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited, ‘Major CSR Projects’, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited, (2021), https://ongcindia.com/web/eng/csr/major-csrprojects (Accessed 21 October 2022).62 Bhattacharjee, op. cit.63 Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti, ‘List of Donors’, Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2013), https://www.ubssseva.org/list-of-donor.php (Accessed 21 October 2022).64 Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti, ‘Relief and Rehabilitation’, Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2021), https://www.ubssseva.org/relief.php (Accessed 21 October 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsFelix PalFelix Pal is a lecturer of politics and international relations at the School of Social Sciences at the University of Western Australia.
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极右翼反射疗法:一种从外围到中心的极右翼研究方法
39罗伯特·富特雷尔,皮特·西米和西蒙·戈特沙尔克,“理解运动中的音乐:白人权力音乐场景”,社会学季刊,47:2(2006),第275-304.40辛西娅·米勒-伊德里斯,极端主流:商业化和极右翼青年文化在德国,(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2018)Edward Said,《文化与帝国主义》(伦敦:Vintage出版社,1993).42Margaret Stuart,“解开帝国的结:教学新西兰历史”,新西兰教育研究杂志,57(2022),第69-86.43页。Russell Curtis Jr.和Louis Zurcher,“抗议运动的稳定资源:多组织领域”,社会力量,52:1(1973),第53-61页;David Knoke,“政治行动网络:走向理论建构”,《社会力量》,68:4(1990),第1041-1063.44页。极右翼政党,就像外联组织一样,不是隐蔽的,但它们几乎总是在极右翼网络中处于高度中心位置,因此被排除在组织间网络从外围到中心的方法之外Berthod, Grother-Hammer和Sydow, op. 46 christophe Jaffrelot,莫迪的印度:印度教民族主义和民族民主的兴起(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2021).47Abdul Ghafoor Noorani, RSS:对印度的威胁(新德里:LeftWord Books, 2019).48Des Raj Goyal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(新德里:Radhakrishna Prakashan出版社,2000);托马斯·布洛姆·汉森,《浪潮:印度的民主和印度教民族主义》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,1999年);克里斯托夫·贾夫罗特:《印度民族主义运动与印度政治:身份建构、植入和动员的策略》(伦敦:赫斯特公司,1996年);Pralay Kanungo, RSS '幽会与政治:从Hedgewar到Sudarshan(新德里:Manohar出版社,2002).49Felix Pal,“为什么穆斯林加入RSS的穆斯林派别”,当代南亚,28:3(2020),第275-287页;Lalit Vachani,“当印度教表现出穆斯林性:与穆斯林拉什特里亚Manch的民族志遭遇”,见Thomas Blom Hansen和Srirupa Roy(编)《藏龙共和国:印度的印度教民族主义和国家权力》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022年),第211 - 250.50页。Vachani, op.引用51 Noorani, op. 52 Goyal, op.引用24.53 Hansen, op. 54 Kanungo, op. 55例外情况包括Malini Bhattacharjee,《救灾和RSS》:通过人道主义复兴“宗教”(新德里:Sage, 2019);基尔兹托夫·伊瓦内克,《无休止的围攻:维迪亚巴拉蒂学校的教育和民族主义》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2022年);Tanika Sarkar,“Sangh Parivar如何写作和教授历史”,在Angana Chatterji, Thomas Blom Hansen和Christophe Jaffrelot(编辑)多数主义国家:印度教民族主义如何改变印度(伦敦:C Hurst & Co, 2019),第151-175页;塔里克·塔奇尔,精英政党,贫穷选民:社会服务如何在印度赢得选票(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2014).56M.G. Chitkara, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh:国家热潮(新德里:APH出版社,2004).57Mattison矿山和Vijayalakshmi Gourishankar”,领导能力和个性在南亚:印度南部内线的情况下”,《亚洲研究,49:4(1990),页761 - 786.58 Mark Granovetter“弱关系的力量”,美国社会学、杂志78:6(1973),页1360 - 1380.59印度教Seva Pratishthana,“关于我们”,印度教Seva Pratishthana(无日期),https://hinduseva.org/Founder .60(2022年10月21日通过)Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh,“关于我们”,Bharatiya Railways Mazdoor Sangh,(未注明日期),https://brms.org.in/(访问日期为2022年10月20日)62 .石油和天然气有限公司,“主要企业社会责任项目”,石油和天然气有限公司,(2021),https://ongcindia.com/web/eng/csr/major-csrprojects(访问于2022年10月21日)Bhattacharjee, op.引文63 Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti,“捐赠者名单”,Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2013), https://www.ubssseva.org/list-of-donor.php(访问日期为2022年10月21日)Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti,“救济和重建”,Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (2021), https://www.ubssseva.org/relief.php(访问于2022年10月21日)。本文作者felix Pal是西澳大利亚大学社会科学学院政治与国际关系专业的讲师。
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2.20
自引率
5.60%
发文量
45
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