The Greeks: A Global History

IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Mediterranean Studies Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI:10.5325/mediterraneanstu.31.2.0251
Maria Georgopoulou
{"title":"The Greeks: A Global History","authors":"Maria Georgopoulou","doi":"10.5325/mediterraneanstu.31.2.0251","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Roderick Beaton’s book The Greeks: A Global History provides a great synthesis of a complex history of three and half millennia written by an “outsider,” that is, not a native of Greece. Beaton, a (literary) historian of Byzantium and modern Greece, makes use of current scholarship in areas outside his own academic expertise to offer a global history not of Greece (a place) but of the Greeks. In addition to the longue durée, this global view encompasses both the classic achievements of the Greeks (intellectual, technological, and scientific) and their physical diaspora around the globe.Shedding light on major literary works, the book is a tribute to the longevity of the Greek language, spoken continuously from 1500 BCE to the present, and its most admirable creations, deftly highlighted in each chapter. The Persians of Aeschylus (472 BCE), for instance, is shown to echo the new moral and geopolitical universe of Hellas, where the Greeks fought for their liberty (p. 114). More than 2000 years later, the poem Erotokritos, written in seventeenth-century Crete by Vincenzo Cornaro in the vernacular Cretan dialect, reflects the new ideas of the Renaissance that shun classical education in favor of theatrical immediacy, not unlike the contemporary plays of William Shakespeare (p. 373–75).Thanks to their achievements, the Greeks managed to transcend the limits of their homeland to form colonies, networks, empires, and diasporas. Beaton’s use of the archaeological record to flesh out the entrepreneurial activities of the Greek-Mycenean world that stretched through the whole of the Mediterranean, from the Caucasus to Gibraltar, should be applauded, as it opens new perspectives. The Mediterranean was repeatedly “conquered” by Greek merchants, not only in antiquity but also in the Middle Ages and the early modern period.The conquests of Alexander the Great went even further to usher in the global spread of Greek civilization, scholarship, and language to Asia and Africa. Becoming Greek (hellenismos) was the fashion everywhere, not only in the second century BCE but also during the Roman era and in Byzantium, where it evolved as the very identity of the state along with the Orthodox Church. Even under Ottoman rule, the Greek commercial diaspora and intelligentsia that had arisen by the eighteenth century created a palimpsest of the Hellenistic world where the Greek speakers were not the rulers but the ruled (p. 392). A similar diaspora of educated Greeks, such as the poet C. P. Cavafy, and successful shipowners, whose mental horizons and patriotic pride in belonging to a much more broadly based Hellenic nation, have made contemporary Greece a global nation (p. 425).If the connecting tissue of the book is the Greek language and its achievements, at the very core of the work is Greek identity as it was formed, understood, and modified through time. The author clearly espouses the definition of Greekness provided by Isocrates: “people [are] to be called Greek if they share our educational system.” Being Greek is not a matter of biological origin or a common ancestry but rather one of belonging to a cultural system, sharing a set of values, customs, and the Greek language (p. 151).Still, terms such as Hellene, Roman, and Greek are analyzed to appreciate the various ways in which the sense of belonging to a common folk was articulated through the ages. Herodotus was the first to articulate the concept of “Hellenikon” in the fifth century BCE (p. 120), a term encompassing the totality of the Greeks who defended their homeland against the Persians. As Christianity gained power in the fourth century, the word “Hellenes” became equated with the pagans (p. 257), some of whom were hounded down by Christian zealots, as was the case of the pagan philosopher Hypatia, who was murdered by a Christian mob in 415 CE in Alexandria. No matter, the Greek language was not only fused with Christian connotations but became the language of the church, and by the sixth century the Byzantine emperor Justinian went as far as composing his new laws in Greek. Yet, the Byzantines thought of themselves as Romans to the very end of their empire. The term “Roman” was retained by the Ottomans in its Turkish rendition, Rum, and by the Greeks themselves in its modern Greek reincarnation Romios. The term Hellene reappeared under a new guise in the fifteenth century; the intellectual Plethon in Mystra advanced the idea of genos—based on kinship, a progenitor of the concept of nationalism, itself a concept born out of the ideology of the European Enlightenment. By the Greek revolution of 1821, the Romioi were hellenized (pp. 399–400), but this artificial and nonconclusive transformation has plagued the modern Greek state in the past 200 years. Nationalism eventually morphed into the irredentism of the Megali Idea in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The idea of the Nation remained immovable, whereas there were many instances where the state lost and could even be thought of as unpatriotic, as in the case of the National Schism in 1916, when Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos defied the king and set up a second, rival government in Thessaloniki to join the forces of the Entente during World War I (p. 429).The fifteen chapters of the book are arranged chronologically with dates that point to specific historical periods, for which the author has chosen witty titles that intimate his perspective on the period in question. A solid bibliography encompassing history, literature, and archaeology can be followed in the endnotes, typically placed at the end of a paragraph, which at times feels like an abstract highlighting the salient points of each study. A summary bibliography is offered at the end (pp. 551–57), and forty-three color photographs illustrate the text.Written well for the nonspecialist and read easily despite its length, the book does not simply regurgitate past literature but rather uses the latest scholarly developments to offer fresh interpretations that keep you on your toes. It is a book to be enjoyed by those who know the story of the Greeks and those who want to learn about it.","PeriodicalId":41352,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Mediterranean Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.31.2.0251","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Roderick Beaton’s book The Greeks: A Global History provides a great synthesis of a complex history of three and half millennia written by an “outsider,” that is, not a native of Greece. Beaton, a (literary) historian of Byzantium and modern Greece, makes use of current scholarship in areas outside his own academic expertise to offer a global history not of Greece (a place) but of the Greeks. In addition to the longue durée, this global view encompasses both the classic achievements of the Greeks (intellectual, technological, and scientific) and their physical diaspora around the globe.Shedding light on major literary works, the book is a tribute to the longevity of the Greek language, spoken continuously from 1500 BCE to the present, and its most admirable creations, deftly highlighted in each chapter. The Persians of Aeschylus (472 BCE), for instance, is shown to echo the new moral and geopolitical universe of Hellas, where the Greeks fought for their liberty (p. 114). More than 2000 years later, the poem Erotokritos, written in seventeenth-century Crete by Vincenzo Cornaro in the vernacular Cretan dialect, reflects the new ideas of the Renaissance that shun classical education in favor of theatrical immediacy, not unlike the contemporary plays of William Shakespeare (p. 373–75).Thanks to their achievements, the Greeks managed to transcend the limits of their homeland to form colonies, networks, empires, and diasporas. Beaton’s use of the archaeological record to flesh out the entrepreneurial activities of the Greek-Mycenean world that stretched through the whole of the Mediterranean, from the Caucasus to Gibraltar, should be applauded, as it opens new perspectives. The Mediterranean was repeatedly “conquered” by Greek merchants, not only in antiquity but also in the Middle Ages and the early modern period.The conquests of Alexander the Great went even further to usher in the global spread of Greek civilization, scholarship, and language to Asia and Africa. Becoming Greek (hellenismos) was the fashion everywhere, not only in the second century BCE but also during the Roman era and in Byzantium, where it evolved as the very identity of the state along with the Orthodox Church. Even under Ottoman rule, the Greek commercial diaspora and intelligentsia that had arisen by the eighteenth century created a palimpsest of the Hellenistic world where the Greek speakers were not the rulers but the ruled (p. 392). A similar diaspora of educated Greeks, such as the poet C. P. Cavafy, and successful shipowners, whose mental horizons and patriotic pride in belonging to a much more broadly based Hellenic nation, have made contemporary Greece a global nation (p. 425).If the connecting tissue of the book is the Greek language and its achievements, at the very core of the work is Greek identity as it was formed, understood, and modified through time. The author clearly espouses the definition of Greekness provided by Isocrates: “people [are] to be called Greek if they share our educational system.” Being Greek is not a matter of biological origin or a common ancestry but rather one of belonging to a cultural system, sharing a set of values, customs, and the Greek language (p. 151).Still, terms such as Hellene, Roman, and Greek are analyzed to appreciate the various ways in which the sense of belonging to a common folk was articulated through the ages. Herodotus was the first to articulate the concept of “Hellenikon” in the fifth century BCE (p. 120), a term encompassing the totality of the Greeks who defended their homeland against the Persians. As Christianity gained power in the fourth century, the word “Hellenes” became equated with the pagans (p. 257), some of whom were hounded down by Christian zealots, as was the case of the pagan philosopher Hypatia, who was murdered by a Christian mob in 415 CE in Alexandria. No matter, the Greek language was not only fused with Christian connotations but became the language of the church, and by the sixth century the Byzantine emperor Justinian went as far as composing his new laws in Greek. Yet, the Byzantines thought of themselves as Romans to the very end of their empire. The term “Roman” was retained by the Ottomans in its Turkish rendition, Rum, and by the Greeks themselves in its modern Greek reincarnation Romios. The term Hellene reappeared under a new guise in the fifteenth century; the intellectual Plethon in Mystra advanced the idea of genos—based on kinship, a progenitor of the concept of nationalism, itself a concept born out of the ideology of the European Enlightenment. By the Greek revolution of 1821, the Romioi were hellenized (pp. 399–400), but this artificial and nonconclusive transformation has plagued the modern Greek state in the past 200 years. Nationalism eventually morphed into the irredentism of the Megali Idea in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The idea of the Nation remained immovable, whereas there were many instances where the state lost and could even be thought of as unpatriotic, as in the case of the National Schism in 1916, when Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos defied the king and set up a second, rival government in Thessaloniki to join the forces of the Entente during World War I (p. 429).The fifteen chapters of the book are arranged chronologically with dates that point to specific historical periods, for which the author has chosen witty titles that intimate his perspective on the period in question. A solid bibliography encompassing history, literature, and archaeology can be followed in the endnotes, typically placed at the end of a paragraph, which at times feels like an abstract highlighting the salient points of each study. A summary bibliography is offered at the end (pp. 551–57), and forty-three color photographs illustrate the text.Written well for the nonspecialist and read easily despite its length, the book does not simply regurgitate past literature but rather uses the latest scholarly developments to offer fresh interpretations that keep you on your toes. It is a book to be enjoyed by those who know the story of the Greeks and those who want to learn about it.
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《希腊人:全球历史
罗德里克·比顿(Roderick Beaton)的著作《希腊人:全球史》(The Greeks: A Global History)提供了一个由“局外人”(即不是希腊本地人)撰写的3500年复杂历史的伟大综合。比顿是研究拜占庭和现代希腊的(文学)历史学家,他利用自己学术专长以外的领域的当前学术成果,提供了一部关于希腊人而不是希腊(一个地方)的全球历史。除了长时间的生活外,这种全球视野还包括希腊人(智力、技术和科学)的经典成就以及他们在全球各地的物质流散。这本书揭示了主要的文学作品,是对希腊语言的长寿的致敬,从公元前1500年一直使用到现在,以及它最令人钦佩的创作,在每一章都有巧妙的突出。例如,埃斯库罗斯时代的波斯人(公元前472年)反映了希腊人为自由而战的新的道德和地缘政治世界(第114页)。2000多年后,Vincenzo Cornaro在17世纪的克里特岛用克里特岛方言写的诗歌Erotokritos反映了文艺复兴时期的新思想,即避开古典教育,支持戏剧的直接性,这与威廉·莎士比亚的当代戏剧没有什么不同(第373-75页)。由于他们的成就,希腊人成功地超越了他们祖国的限制,形成了殖民地、网络、帝国和侨民。比顿利用考古记录充实了希腊-迈锡尼世界横跨整个地中海,从高加索到直布罗陀的企业活动,这应该受到赞扬,因为它开辟了新的视角。不仅在古代,而且在中世纪和近代早期,地中海不断被希腊商人“征服”。亚历山大大帝的征服更进一步,将希腊文明、学术和语言传播到亚洲和非洲。成为希腊人(hellenismos)是无处不在的时尚,不仅在公元前2世纪,而且在罗马时代和拜占庭,它与东正教一起演变为国家的身份。即使在奥斯曼帝国统治下,18世纪出现的希腊商业流散和知识分子创造了希腊化世界的重写本,在那里,说希腊语的人不是统治者,而是被统治者(第392页)。同样散居海外的受过教育的希腊人,如诗人c·p·卡瓦菲(c.p. Cavafy),以及成功的船主,他们的精神视野和爱国自豪感,属于一个基础更广泛的希腊民族,使当代希腊成为一个全球国家(第425页)。如果这本书的连接组织是希腊语言及其成就,那么这部作品的核心是希腊的身份,因为它是随着时间的推移而形成、理解和修改的。作者明确支持伊索克拉底对希腊人的定义:“如果人们分享我们的教育体系,他们就被称为希腊人。”作为希腊人,不是生物起源或共同祖先的问题,而是属于一个文化体系的问题,共享一套价值观、习俗和希腊语(第151页)。尽管如此,对希腊语、罗马语和希腊语等术语的分析是为了理解各个时代表达属于一个共同民族的感觉的各种方式。希罗多德是第一个在公元前5世纪(第120页)明确提出“希腊人”概念的人,这个术语涵盖了保卫自己的家园不受波斯人入侵的所有希腊人。当基督教在四世纪获得权力时,“希腊人”这个词与异教徒等同起来(第257页),其中一些人受到基督教狂热分子的追捕,例如异教哲学家希帕蒂娅,她于公元415年在亚历山大被一群基督教暴徒谋杀。不管怎样,希腊语不仅与基督教的内涵融合在一起,而且成为了教会的语言。到了6世纪,拜占庭皇帝查士丁尼甚至用希腊语制定了他的新法律。然而,拜占庭人自始至终都认为自己是罗马人。“罗马人”一词被奥斯曼人保留在土耳其的朗姆酒中,被希腊人自己保留在现代希腊的Romios中。“Hellene”一词在15世纪以新的形式重新出现;知识分子普勒顿在《密斯特拉》中提出了基于亲属关系的“基诺斯”概念,这是民族主义概念的前身,而民族主义概念本身又源于欧洲启蒙运动的意识形态。在1821年的希腊革命中,罗米奥伊人被希腊化了(第399-400页),但这种人为的、不确定的转变在过去200年里一直困扰着现代希腊国家。在19世纪和20世纪初,民族主义最终演变为民族统一主义。 “国家”的理念仍然是不可动摇的,然而在许多情况下,国家失败了,甚至可以被认为是不爱国的,比如1916年的国家分裂,当时总理埃莱夫塞里奥斯·韦尼泽洛斯违抗国王,在塞萨洛尼基建立了第二个敌对政府,加入了第一次世界大战期间的协约国军队(第429页)。这本书的15章按时间顺序排列,日期指向特定的历史时期,作者选择了诙谐的标题,以表达他对所讨论时期的看法。一个包含历史、文学和考古学的可靠参考书目可以在尾注后面,通常放在段落的末尾,有时感觉像一个抽象的突出每个研究的要点。最后提供了摘要参考书目(第551-57页),43张彩色照片说明了文本。这本书写得很好,适合非专业人士阅读,尽管篇幅很长,但读起来很容易,它不是简单地反讽过去的文学作品,而是使用最新的学术发展来提供新鲜的解释,让你保持警惕。这是一本为那些了解希腊人的故事和那些想要了解它的人所喜爱的书。
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来源期刊
Mediterranean Studies
Mediterranean Studies HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
0.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: Mediterranean Studies is an interdisciplinary annual concerned with the ideas and ideals of Mediterranean cultures from Late Antiquity to the Enlightenment and their influence beyond these geographical and temporal boundaries. Topics concerning any aspect of the history, literature, politics, arts, geography, or any subject focused on the Mediterranean region and the influence of its cultures can be found in this journal. Mediterranean Studies is published by Manchester University Press for the Mediterranean Studies Association, which is supported by the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth and University of Kansas.
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