Introducing the legislative priority rule: a constitutional compass for the Court

Eadaoin Ní Chaoimh
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Abstract

The ambiguous nature of the internal market allows for EU legislative input on two tensions animating this field since its inception, those being how to divide power between the EU and Member States and how to reconcile the requirements of integration and regulation. The Court can sometimes struggle with accommodating such input with its Treaty interpretation, leading to further tension with the EU legislator. In the internal market for goods, however, it can rely on the Legislative Priority Rule to resolve disputes in a coherent, Treaty-compliant manner. Casting exhaustive EU legislation as the sole norm against which to assess national product measures, to the exclusion of Articles 34–36 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), this longstanding Rule is, from one perspective, a simple procedural tool to establish the Court’s framework of reference. In reality, however, invoking (or excluding) the Rule can have a substantive and institutional dimension, as its application (or not) engages the relationships between national, secondary, and primary law and, by extension, the Member States, EU legislator, and Court. On the one hand, the Rule enforces EU primacy by pre-empting national competence in the presence of harmonization. On the other, by suspending direct application of Articles 34–35 TFEU, it also implies deference to the EU legislator, and indirectly to the Member States, which enjoy discretion to set standards and determine how power is shared. As a result, while Member States cannot avoid free movement obligations, they can defend national rules by reference to this EU standard to which they have contributed. There is in other words an alignment under the Rule between the dynamics of Exit and Voice, with the Court exercising boundary control to ensure compliance with primary law. It is on this basis that I have come to identify the Legislative Priority Rule as a sort of ‘constitutional compass’ to guide the distribution of power in the internal market for goods. Despite this key role, however, its existence and impact remain relatively unknown or at best ignored, reflecting a gap in understanding the Court’s toolbox for review and a failure to appreciate the role of secondary legislation in building a stable, Treaty-compliant regulatory system.
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引入立法优先权规则:法院的宪法指南针
内部市场的模糊性使得欧盟可以就该领域自诞生以来一直存在的两个紧张问题提出立法意见,即如何划分欧盟与成员国之间的权力,以及如何协调一体化与监管的要求。法院有时难以将这些意见与对《条约》的解释结合起来,从而导致与欧盟立法者的关系更加紧张。然而,在内部商品市场中,法院可以依靠立法优先规则,以连贯一致、符合条约的方式解决争端。这一由来已久的规则将详尽无遗的欧盟立法作为评估国家产品措施的唯一标准,将《欧盟运作条约》(TFEU)第 34-36 条排除在外,从某种角度看,它是建立法院参照框架的简单程序工具。但实际上,援引(或排除)该规则可能具有实质和制度层面,因为其适用(或不适用)涉及国家法、次要法和主要法之间的关系,并进而涉及成员国、欧盟立法者和法院之间的关系。一方面,《规则》通过在协调的情况下优先于国家权限来执行欧盟的优先权。另一方面,通过暂停直接适用《欧盟运作条约》第 34-35 条,它也意味着对欧盟立法者的尊重,以及对成员国的间接尊重,成员国享有制定标准和决定如何分享权力的自由裁量权。因此,虽然成员国不能逃避自由流动的义务,但它们可以参照欧盟的这一标准来维护本国的规则,因为它们对这一标准做出了贡献。换言之,根据该规则,"退出 "和 "发言权 "的动态是一致的,法院行使边界控制以确保遵守主要法律。正是基于这一点,我将立法优先权规则视为一种 "宪法指南针",用以指导内部商品市场的权力分配。然而,尽管立法优先权规则发挥着这一关键作用,但它的存在和影响仍相对不为人知,或充其量被忽视,这反映出人们对法院审查工具箱的理解存在差距,也反映出人们未能认识到二级立法在建立稳定、符合《条约》的监管体系中的作用。
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