Agree, agreement dissociation and subject ellipsis. Towards a new characterization of the Null Subject Parameter

IF 0.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Probus Pub Date : 2024-09-03 DOI:10.1515/probus-2024-2011
Andrés Saab
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Abstract

This paper offers a new characterization of the Null Subject Parameter (NSP). I contend that the NSP must be modeled referring to two main properties of the Agree/agreement systems: (i) presence/absence of abstract Agree, and (ii) presence/absence of agreement dissociation at PF. The first property results in the division between radical argument ellipsis languages of the Japanese type and consistent null subject languages of the Spanish type, including languages like Central Trentino, i.e., languages with some obligatory clitic subjects but with rich agreement and free inversion. The second property results in the division between consistent null subject languages and consistent non-null subject ones. The agreement dissociation hypothesis also accounts for the partial null subject type, which characterizes languages like Brazilian Portuguese that have impoverished agreement expansion at PF (perhaps, only for number features). From a theoretical point of view, this study focuses on the agreement dissociation property showing why abstract Agree cannot guarantee subject ellipsis even in those perplexing cases in which it produces enough agreement distinctions at PF. The reason is that only an expanded agreement morpheme adjoined to the T0 node can serve as a licit antecedent for ellipsis of a subject D0 head at PF. Therefore, the theory derives the bimorphemic principle in Koeneman and Zeijlstra (Koeneman, Olaf & Hedde Zeijlstra. 2021. Pro-drop and the morphological structure of inflection. Ms. Available at: https://www.heddezeijlstra.org/bio) without further ado, i.e., the observation that null subject properties correlate with a bimorphemic T0 node expressing tense and agreement separately.
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同意、同意分离和主语省略。实现 "空主语参数 "的新表征
本文对无效主语参数(NSP)进行了新的描述。我认为,NSP 必须参照同意/协议系统的两个主要属性来建模:(i) 抽象同意的存在/不存在,(ii) PF 上协议分离的存在/不存在。第一个特性导致了日语类型的激进省略论据语言和西班牙语类型的一致空主语语言之间的划分,包括像 Central Trentino 这样的语言,即,具有一些强制性 clitic 主语但具有丰富的一致和自由倒装的语言。第二个特性导致了连贯的空主语语言和连贯的非空主语语言之间的划分。协议分离假说也解释了部分空主语类型,它是巴西葡萄牙语等语言的特征,这些语言在 PF(也许只针对数字特征)上有贫乏的协议扩展。从理论的角度来看,本研究侧重于协议分离的特性,说明为什么抽象协议即使在 PF 产生足够的协议区别的令人困惑的情况下也不能保证主语省略。原因在于,只有与 T0 节点相邻的扩展约定语素才能作为主语 D0 头在 PF 省略的合法前置条件。因此,该理论源自 Koeneman 和 Zeijlstra(Koeneman, Olaf & Hedde Zeijlstra.2021.Pro-drop and the morphological structure of inflection.Ms. Available at: https://www.heddezeijlstra.org/bio),即观察到空主语属性与分别表达时态和约定的双语素 T0 节点相关。
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来源期刊
Probus
Probus Multiple-
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
17
期刊介绍: Probus is intended as a platform for the discussion of historical and synchronic research in the field of Latin and Romance linguistics, with special emphasis on phonology, morphology, syntax, language acquisition and sociolinguistics. The journal aims to keep its readers abreast of the developments in Romance linguistics by encouraging problem-oriented contributions that combine the solid empirical foundations of philological and linguistic work with the insights provided my modern theoretical approaches.
期刊最新文献
Null objects, null nominal anaphora and antilogophoricity Nondeictic accusative and dative clitics and their variant forms in European and Brazilian Portuguese D-features or ellipsis in null subject licensing? Evidence from Brazilian and European Portuguese A gradient typology of gerund clauses: revisiting the internal and external syntax of Portuguese gerund clauses Agree, agreement dissociation and subject ellipsis. Towards a new characterization of the Null Subject Parameter
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