Pub Date : 2024-09-18DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2012
Pilar Barbosa
This paper discusses null objects (NOs) in Ibero-Romance. European Portuguese (EP) has both definite and indefinte NOs, but Castillian Spanish (CSpanish) only allows NOs when the antecedent is a bare plural nominal or a mass noun. The paper argues that these differences are related to the distribution of bare nominals in each language and proposes that the same underlying mechanism is at the root of indefinite and definite object drop, namely a rootless [nPn ] proform. [nPn ] denotes a contextually salient property, its possible interpretations being derived by general type-shifting operations. In CSpanish, the property denoted by [nPn ] is interpreted as a restrictive modifier of the predicate and the relevant variable is bound under VP level Existential Closure. Focusing on EP, there are striking similarities between definite NOs and other types of nominal anaphora, including epithets. In particular, like epithets, NOs are subject to an Antilogophoricity Constraint. This affinity between NOs and epithets constitutes a case in favor of the idea that the NO is a base-generated nominal. The difference with respect to CSpanish lies in the possibility of interpreting the null nominal by a choice function, a function maps a property onto an entity that has the property.
本文讨论伊比利亚-罗曼语中的空宾语（NOs）。欧洲葡萄牙语（EP）既有定冠词也有不定冠词NO，但卡斯蒂利亚西班牙语（CSpanish）只允许在前置词是裸复数名词或大众名词时使用NO。本文认为，这些差异与每种语言中裸名词的分布有关，并提出不定和定格宾语前置的根本原因是相同的机制，即无根式 [ nP n ] 前置形式。[ nP n ] 表示上下文中的一个突出属性，其可能的解释是通过一般的类型转换操作得出的。在 CS 西班牙语中，[ nP n ] 所表示的属性被解释为谓词的限制性修饰语，相关变量被绑定在 VP 层的存在性封闭（Existential Closure）之下。聚焦 EP，定语 NO 与包括表语在内的其他类型的名词性拟声词有惊人的相似之处。特别是，与表音词一样，定语无意义词也受反谓词性约束（Antilogophoricity Constraint）的限制。定语从句和表语从句之间的这种亲和性，构成了支持定语从句是由基数词生成的名词这一观点的一个案例。与 CSpanish 的不同之处在于，可以用选择功能来解释虚名，这种功能将一个属性映射到具有该属性的实体上。
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Pub Date : 2024-09-09DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2010
Ana Maria Martins, Jairo Nunes
Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564) and its revised version in Holmberg et al. (Holmberg, Anders, Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan. 2009. Three partial null-subject languages: A comparison of Brazilian Portuguese, Finnish, and Marathi. Studia Linguistica 63(1). 59–97) derive the availability of null subjects in a given language from the interaction between T with/without a D(efiniteness)-feature and the features of subject pronouns. Their theory predicts the existence of consistent null subject languages, whose T has the D-feature, and partial null subject languages, whose T lacks the D-feature. This paper examines this D-feature approach to null subjects against the empirical evidence provided by Brazilian Portuguese, a partial null subject language, and European Portuguese, a consistent null subject language, showing that it cannot account for the range of microvariation observed with respect to different null subject pronouns and the type of T (finite vs. participle vs. gerund). We argue that, in comparison, the ellipsis account of null subject licensing put forward in Martins and Nunes (Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes. 2021. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages. In Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen & Luisa Meroni (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2018. Selected papers from “Going Romance” 32, Utrecht, 171–190. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins) fares better. It retains from Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564 et seq.) the insight that the licensing of null subjects depends on the interaction between the features of T and the features of subject pronouns but resorts only to ϕ-features and Case. Crucially, it relies on the (theoretically and empirically) plausible assumption that the relation between abstract ϕ-features and verbal agreement morphology need not be transparent.
Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders.2005.有小亲吗？来自芬兰语的证据。Linguistic Inquiry 36(4).533-564）以及 Holmberg 等人的修订版（Holmberg、Anders、Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan.2009.三种部分无效主体语言：巴西葡萄牙语、芬兰语和马拉地语的比较。Studia Linguistica 63(1).59-97）从有/无定义性特征的 T 与主语代词特征之间的相互作用中推导出特定语言中是否存在空主语。他们的理论预测存在一致的空主语语言（其 T 具有 D-特征）和部分空主语语言（其 T 缺乏 D-特征）。本文根据巴西葡萄牙语（一种部分无效主语语言）和欧洲葡萄牙语（一种一致的无效主语语言）提供的经验证据，对这种 D-特征无效主语方法进行了研究，结果表明，这种方法无法解释在不同的无效主语代词和 T 类型（有限分词 vs. 分词 vs. 动名词）方面观察到的一系列微观差异。我们认为，相比之下，马丁斯和努内斯（Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes.2021.巴西和欧洲葡萄牙语与 Holmberg 2005 年的空主语类型学。In Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen & Luisa Meroni (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2018.乌得勒支 "走向罗曼 "32 会议论文选，171-190。阿姆斯特丹和费城：John Benjamins）的表现要好一些。它保留了 Holmberg（Holmberg，Anders.2005.Is there a little pro?来自芬兰语的证据。Linguistic Inquiry 36(4).533-564 et seq.）的见解，即无效主语的许可取决于 T 的特征和主语代词的特征之间的相互作用，但只诉诸于 j 的特征和 Case。最重要的是，它依赖于一个（理论上和经验上）可信的假设，即抽象的 j 特征和动词一致形态之间的关系不一定是透明的。
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Pub Date : 2024-09-09DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2014
Maria Eugenia L. Duarte
This article raises the hypothesis that 3rd person, accusative o/a (“him/her”) and dative lhe (“to him”/ “to her”) clitics, as well as the indefinite clitic se (“one”), contrary to 1st and 2nd person me/te (“me/you”), were never part of the grammar of the populations who acquired Portuguese as L2 in Brazil; rather, 3rd person clitic pronouns have been learned by a small number of Brazilians with school access (0.5 %), in the beginning of the 19th century. To bring support to this hypothesis, socio-historical information is presented, according to which, during about 350 years of colonization, slaved Africans and their descendants constituted the largest part of the population; their contact with several waves of Portuguese immigrant workers contributed to the emergence of Brazilian dialects differing in many aspects from European Portuguese (EP). Data from European and Brazilian Portuguese (PB) popular theater plays, written across the 19th and the 20th centuries, show that EP exhibits a robust and stable system of 3rd person accusative and dative clitics, contrary to BP. Analyses of recorded EP and BP since the 1970s attest the extremely rare use of such clitics in BP, very close to the percentages shown in the more recent plays, whereas formal writing reveals the school relative success in the effort to teach 3rd person clitics.
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Pub Date : 2024-09-08DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2013
Maria Lobo
Focusing mostly on European Portuguese, this paper proposes that the internal syntax of Portuguese gerund clauses and the gradience in their degree of defectiveness may be explained by an interplay between their external syntax (locus of merge), agreement relations between embedded Tense and matrix Tense and the presence/absence of an intervening head. We first revisit the distinction between peripheral adverbial gerund clauses and central adverbial gerund clauses and show that their internal syntax correlates with their external syntax: central adverbial gerund clauses are merged in lower positions and appear to be more defective. We derive their defectiveness from the agree relation established between embedded T and matrix T. We then consider predicative gerund clauses and show that they are even more defective and restricted in their aspectual value, lacking a T head. Finally, we consider predicative gerund clauses introduced by como ‘as’ and show that, although they are merged in a low position, they are less defective than central adverbial gerund clauses. We attribute this mismatch between the internal and external syntax of this specific type of gerund clause to the presence of the Predicate head como, which intervenes between matrix T and embedded T and blocks the agreement relation.
本文主要以欧洲葡萄牙语为研究对象，提出葡萄牙语动名词从句的内部句法及其缺陷程度的渐变性可以通过其外部句法（合并位置）、嵌入时态和基体时态之间的一致关系以及是否存在中介头之间的相互作用来解释。我们首先重新审视了外围副词动名词从句和中心副词动名词从句之间的区别，并证明它们的内部句法与外部句法之间存在关联：中心副词动名词从句的合并位置较低，看起来缺陷较多。我们从内嵌 T 和矩阵 T 之间建立的同意关系中推导出它们的缺陷。然后，我们考虑了谓语动名词从句，结果表明它们的缺陷更大，而且在方面价值上受到限制，缺少一个 T 头。最后，我们考虑了由 como'as'引入的谓语动名词从句，结果表明，虽然它们被合并在较低的位置上，但它们的缺陷比中心副词动名词从句要少。我们将这种特殊类型的动名词从句的内部和外部句法之间的不匹配归因于谓词头 como 的存在，它介入了矩阵 T 和嵌入 T 之间并阻断了一致关系。
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Pub Date : 2024-09-03DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2011
Andrés Saab
This paper offers a new characterization of the Null Subject Parameter (NSP). I contend that the NSP must be modeled referring to two main properties of the Agree/agreement systems: (i) presence/absence of abstract Agree, and (ii) presence/absence of agreement dissociation at PF. The first property results in the division between radical argument ellipsis languages of the Japanese type and consistent null subject languages of the Spanish type, including languages like Central Trentino, i.e., languages with some obligatory clitic subjects but with rich agreement and free inversion. The second property results in the division between consistent null subject languages and consistent non-null subject ones. The agreement dissociation hypothesis also accounts for the partial null subject type, which characterizes languages like Brazilian Portuguese that have impoverished agreement expansion at PF (perhaps, only for number features). From a theoretical point of view, this study focuses on the agreement dissociation property showing why abstract Agree cannot guarantee subject ellipsis even in those perplexing cases in which it produces enough agreement distinctions at PF. The reason is that only an expanded agreement morpheme adjoined to the T0 node can serve as a licit antecedent for ellipsis of a subject D0 head at PF. Therefore, the theory derives the bimorphemic principle in Koeneman and Zeijlstra (Koeneman, Olaf & Hedde Zeijlstra. 2021. Pro-drop and the morphological structure of inflection. Ms. Available at: https://www.heddezeijlstra.org/bio) without further ado, i.e., the observation that null subject properties correlate with a bimorphemic T0 node expressing tense and agreement separately.
本文对无效主语参数（NSP）进行了新的描述。我认为，NSP 必须参照同意/协议系统的两个主要属性来建模：(i) 抽象同意的存在/不存在，(ii) PF 上协议分离的存在/不存在。第一个特性导致了日语类型的激进省略论据语言和西班牙语类型的一致空主语语言之间的划分，包括像 Central Trentino 这样的语言，即，具有一些强制性 clitic 主语但具有丰富的一致和自由倒装的语言。第二个特性导致了连贯的空主语语言和连贯的非空主语语言之间的划分。协议分离假说也解释了部分空主语类型，它是巴西葡萄牙语等语言的特征，这些语言在 PF（也许只针对数字特征）上有贫乏的协议扩展。从理论的角度来看，本研究侧重于协议分离的特性，说明为什么抽象协议即使在 PF 产生足够的协议区别的令人困惑的情况下也不能保证主语省略。原因在于，只有与 T0 节点相邻的扩展约定语素才能作为主语 D0 头在 PF 省略的合法前置条件。因此，该理论源自 Koeneman 和 Zeijlstra（Koeneman, Olaf & Hedde Zeijlstra.2021.Pro-drop and the morphological structure of inflection.Ms. Available at: https://www.heddezeijlstra.org/bio），即观察到空主语属性与分别表达时态和约定的双语素 T0 节点相关。
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Pub Date : 2024-05-21DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-0002
Dongmei Lin, Carlos-Eduardo Piñeros
In Spanish lexical compounds, stress on the final constituent is consistently preserved; however, it is uncertain whether stress on the initial constituent is preserved as well. Some linguists claim that stress is deleted from the initial constituent, whereas a few argue, instead, that it is demoted from primary to secondary. Given that empirical evidence has been scarce, this issue remains unresolved. To inform the debate, the present study examines all known phonetic correlates of stress in both accented and unaccented contexts. The acoustic measures of lexical compounds are compared to those of non-compound words and phrases that have a similar segmental structure. The results demonstrate that the initial constituent of lexical compounds bears secondary stress. This secondary stress, as a result of stress demotion, differs from rhetorical secondary stress both phonetically and phonologically. These findings provide fresh insights into the definitional properties as well as the prosodic structure of Spanish compounds.
{"title":"Stress deletion or stress demotion? An acoustic study of stress in Spanish lexical compounds","authors":"Dongmei Lin, Carlos-Eduardo Piñeros","doi":"10.1515/probus-2024-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2024-0002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Spanish lexical compounds, stress on the final constituent is consistently preserved; however, it is uncertain whether stress on the initial constituent is preserved as well. Some linguists claim that stress is deleted from the initial constituent, whereas a few argue, instead, that it is demoted from primary to secondary. Given that empirical evidence has been scarce, this issue remains unresolved. To inform the debate, the present study examines all known phonetic correlates of stress in both accented and unaccented contexts. The acoustic measures of lexical compounds are compared to those of non-compound words and phrases that have a similar segmental structure. The results demonstrate that the initial constituent of lexical compounds bears secondary stress. This secondary stress, as a result of stress demotion, differs from rhetorical secondary stress both phonetically and phonologically. These findings provide fresh insights into the definitional properties as well as the prosodic structure of Spanish compounds.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141118030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-17DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-0001
Nicola Munaro
Capitalizing on the basic distinction between central and peripheral adverbial clauses, the main aim of this contribution is to shed some light on certain left-right asymmetries in the distributional properties of integrated and non-integrated (concessive) conditional clauses in standard Italian, drawing indirect evidence from multiple complementizer constructions in (early) Romance. By exploring the distribution of preposed central conditional clauses in multiple complementizer constructions in some early Italo-Romance varieties and in modern Ibero-Romance, I argue, following previous analyses, that this kind of adverbial clauses occupy a topic-related specifier position within the left periphery of embedded clauses; similarly, in modern Italian and in some Italo-Romance varieties, central (concessive) conditional clauses may undergo fronting to the specifier of a functional projection situated within the higher Topic field, but crucially below the Force node. I claim that, unlike central conditionals, non-integrated addressee-oriented conditional clauses should be analyzed as sentential speech event modifiers generated within the specifier of a speech-act related projection in the left-periphery above the Force node of the main clause, which accounts for their peculiar distributional properties.
{"title":"Non-integrated conditionals as speech-event modifiers: evidence from Romance","authors":"Nicola Munaro","doi":"10.1515/probus-2024-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2024-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Capitalizing on the basic distinction between central and peripheral adverbial clauses, the main aim of this contribution is to shed some light on certain left-right asymmetries in the distributional properties of integrated and non-integrated (concessive) conditional clauses in standard Italian, drawing indirect evidence from multiple complementizer constructions in (early) Romance. By exploring the distribution of preposed central conditional clauses in multiple complementizer constructions in some early Italo-Romance varieties and in modern Ibero-Romance, I argue, following previous analyses, that this kind of adverbial clauses occupy a topic-related specifier position within the left periphery of embedded clauses; similarly, in modern Italian and in some Italo-Romance varieties, central (concessive) conditional clauses may undergo fronting to the specifier of a functional projection situated within the higher Topic field, but crucially below the Force node. I claim that, unlike central conditionals, non-integrated addressee-oriented conditional clauses should be analyzed as sentential speech event modifiers generated within the specifier of a speech-act related projection in the left-periphery above the Force node of the main clause, which accounts for their peculiar distributional properties.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140616846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2004
Jürgen M. Meisel
Some grammatical phenomena are more resistant to diachronic change than others. The syntactic core is particularly resilient, raising the question why this is the case and what causes the least vulnerable properties to change. Since fundamental alterations of grammars do not occur across the lifespan of adults, first language acquisition is commonly considered to be the main locus of syntactic change. Under the assumption that language contact leads to cross-linguistic interaction, early bilinguals have been claimed to be the main agents of change. I revisit this debate, focusing on head directionality and V2. Summaries of studies of various acquisition types lead to the conclusion that reanalysis in core syntax does not happen in the course of neither monolingual nor bilingual L1 acquisition. Contrary to hypotheses entertained in diachronic linguistics, neither language contact nor structural ambiguity/complexity has this effect. For core properties to change in L1, the triggering information must be contained in the input. Insufficient exposure, as in heritage language acquisition, can cause morphosyntactic change, though not in the syntactic core. Only second language acquisition exhibits such effects. L2 learners are thus the most likely agents of fundamental syntactic change. I conclude that explanations of the resilience of syntactic phenomena cannot rely exclusively on structural aspects. It results from an interaction of syntactic and developmental factors, defined by grammatical constraint, acquisition principles, and processing demands.
{"title":"Bilingual acquisition as the locus of syntactic change","authors":"Jürgen M. Meisel","doi":"10.1515/probus-2024-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2024-2004","url":null,"abstract":"Some grammatical phenomena are more resistant to diachronic change than others. The syntactic core is particularly resilient, raising the question why this is the case and what causes the least vulnerable properties to change. Since fundamental alterations of grammars do not occur across the lifespan of adults, first language acquisition is commonly considered to be the main locus of syntactic change. Under the assumption that language contact leads to cross-linguistic interaction, early bilinguals have been claimed to be the main agents of change. I revisit this debate, focusing on head directionality and V2. Summaries of studies of various acquisition types lead to the conclusion that reanalysis in core syntax does not happen in the course of neither monolingual nor bilingual L1 acquisition. Contrary to hypotheses entertained in diachronic linguistics, neither language contact nor structural ambiguity/complexity has this effect. For core properties to change in L1, the triggering information must be contained in the input. Insufficient exposure, as in heritage language acquisition, can cause morphosyntactic change, though not in the syntactic core. Only second language acquisition exhibits such effects. L2 learners are thus the most likely agents of fundamental syntactic change. I conclude that explanations of the resilience of syntactic phenomena cannot rely exclusively on structural aspects. It results from an interaction of syntactic and developmental factors, defined by grammatical constraint, acquisition principles, and processing demands.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140597716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents an experimental approach to subject inversion in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). We investigated the acceptability of SV and VS sentences by two groups of speakers: monolingually-raised and bilingual heritage speakers of BP, using acceptability judgment tasks to test the effect of verb type, definiteness and pragmatic context. Results confirm that BP lost VS order with the exception of unaccusative constructions. Both speaker groups accept SV orders in all contexts, rejecting VS in sentences with transitive and unergative verbs. With respect to unaccusative verbs, pragmatic context and definiteness play a role in the acceptance of VS structures: with narrow focus on the subject, monolingual speakers accept VS order with definite and indefinite postverbal subjects. However, in all-new contexts, they tend to reject definite postverbal subjects. Given this differential behavior in the two contexts, we assume that BP exhibits two different syntactic positions for postverbal subjects in unaccusative constructions. Heritage speakers of BP are generally stricter in rejecting VS order. They do not allow for postverbal definite subjects in VS clauses independent of pragmatic context, indicating that they are progressively eliminating a residual postverbal focus position in unaccusative constructions. We take this as another indication that heritage speakers may promote and accelerate ongoing diachronic change.
本文介绍了巴西葡萄牙语（BP）中主语倒置的实验方法。我们使用可接受性判断任务来测试动词类型、定语和语用语境的影响，调查了两组讲葡萄牙语的人对 SV 和 VS 句子的可接受性，这两组讲葡萄牙语的人分别是单语种和双语传承讲葡萄牙语的人。结果证实，除非指称结构外，BP 失去了 VS 顺序。两组说话者在所有语境中都接受 SV 顺序，但在使用及物动词和非及物动词的句子中则拒绝接受 VS 顺序。对于非及物动词，语用语境和定义在接受 VS 结构中起了作用：在狭义的主语上，单语使用者接受带有定语后主语和不定语后主语的 VS 顺序。然而，在所有新语境中，他们倾向于拒绝定语后主语。鉴于这两种语境中的不同行为，我们假定，在非指称结构中，BP 的语后主语表现出两种不同的句法位置。讲传统 BP 的人通常更严格地拒绝 VS 顺序。他们不允许在 VS 分句中出现与语用语境无关的语后定语主语，这表明他们正在逐步消除非指称结构中残余的语后焦点位置。我们认为，这再次表明，遗产语使用者可能会促进和加速正在发生的异时变化。
{"title":"An experimental study on the loss of VS order in monolingual and bilingual speakers of Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Esther Rinke, Cristina Flores, Priscila Oliveira, Liliana Correia","doi":"10.1515/probus-2024-2006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2024-2006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents an experimental approach to subject inversion in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). We investigated the acceptability of SV and VS sentences by two groups of speakers: monolingually-raised and bilingual heritage speakers of BP, using acceptability judgment tasks to test the effect of verb type, definiteness and pragmatic context. Results confirm that BP lost VS order with the exception of unaccusative constructions. Both speaker groups accept SV orders in all contexts, rejecting VS in sentences with transitive and unergative verbs. With respect to unaccusative verbs, pragmatic context and definiteness play a role in the acceptance of VS structures: with narrow focus on the subject, monolingual speakers accept VS order with definite and indefinite postverbal subjects. However, in all-new contexts, they tend to reject definite postverbal subjects. Given this differential behavior in the two contexts, we assume that BP exhibits two different syntactic positions for postverbal subjects in unaccusative constructions. Heritage speakers of BP are generally stricter in rejecting VS order. They do not allow for postverbal definite subjects in VS clauses independent of pragmatic context, indicating that they are progressively eliminating a residual postverbal focus position in unaccusative constructions. We take this as another indication that heritage speakers may promote and accelerate ongoing diachronic change.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140597635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-26DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2005
Anabela Gonçalves, Madalena Colaço
Several languages allow for hyper-raising, a structure in which a DP that is interpreted as the subject of a finite complement clause is spelled-out as the subject of the matrix clause. Hyper-raising challenges certain core concepts of syntactic theory related to movement and locality. Various proposals have been made for analysing these structures, the main difference being whether the final position of the DP results from movement or not. It has often been assumed that European Portuguese, in contrast to Brazilian Portuguese, does not allow hyper-raising, or only allows it in very limited contexts. In this paper, we present empirical data extracted from written corpora and experimental results attesting to the production and acceptance of hyper-raising structures by a number of native speakers of European Portuguese. We contribute to identifying the contexts that favour hyper-raising in this variety and outline a preliminary analysis to explain what leads these speakers to produce and accept hyper-raising, while many others systematically reject it. In our proposal, this difference results from the properties of the embedded functional heads T and C, and the way in which their formal features are checked. Specifically, we propose that those speakers dissociate Case features from person-number features.
有几种语言允许超提升，在这种结构中，被解释为有限补语从句主语的 DP 被拼写为矩阵从句的主语。超提升结构对句法理论中与移动和位置相关的某些核心概念提出了挑战。人们为分析这些结构提出了各种建议，主要区别在于 DP 的最终位置是否因移动而产生。人们通常认为，与巴西葡萄牙语相比，欧洲葡萄牙语不允许超提升，或者只允许在非常有限的语境中使用超提升。在本文中，我们介绍了从书面语料中提取的实证数据，以及一些以欧洲葡萄牙语为母语的人产生和接受超提升结构的实验结果。我们有助于确定该语种中有利于超提升的语境，并概述了一项初步分析，以解释是什么导致这些母语葡萄牙语者产生并接受超提升，而其他许多母语葡萄牙语者则系统地拒绝超提升。根据我们的建议，这种差异源于嵌入功能词头 T 和 C 的属性，以及检查其形式特征的方式。具体地说，我们认为这些说话人将案例特征与人称特征区分开来。
{"title":"Is there hyper-raising in European Portuguese?","authors":"Anabela Gonçalves, Madalena Colaço","doi":"10.1515/probus-2024-2005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2024-2005","url":null,"abstract":"Several languages allow for hyper-raising, a structure in which a DP that is interpreted as the subject of a finite complement clause is spelled-out as the subject of the matrix clause. Hyper-raising challenges certain core concepts of syntactic theory related to movement and locality. Various proposals have been made for analysing these structures, the main difference being whether the final position of the DP results from movement or not. It has often been assumed that European Portuguese, in contrast to Brazilian Portuguese, does not allow hyper-raising, or only allows it in very limited contexts. In this paper, we present empirical data extracted from written corpora and experimental results attesting to the production and acceptance of hyper-raising structures by a number of native speakers of European Portuguese. We contribute to identifying the contexts that favour hyper-raising in this variety and outline a preliminary analysis to explain what leads these speakers to produce and accept hyper-raising, while many others systematically reject it. In our proposal, this difference results from the properties of the embedded functional heads T and C, and the way in which their formal features are checked. Specifically, we propose that those speakers dissociate Case features from person-number features.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140322297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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