The Unionisation Wave in Hong Kong: The Noise before Defeat or the Route to Victory?

IF 1.3 Q3 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Global Labour Journal Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI:10.15173/GLJ.V12I2.4778
Tim Pringle
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Hong Kong’s pro-universal suffrage and anti-authoritarian movement (Hong Kong Democracy Movement hereinafter) was a highly complex social movement that lasted almost a year. The movement began in June 2019 in a successful mass collective response to a contentious Extradition Bill allowing the transfer of suspects to mainland China courts that operate under a different and opaque legal system. However, the Hong Kong government’s early cancellation of the Bill did not end the Hong Kong Democracy Movement. Four more demands emerged, driven by “mass dissatisfaction with Hong Kong’s lack of democracy and the police’s performance” (Sing, 2020: 2). These were: universal suffrage; an end to the government’s categorisation of the protests as riots; an independent inquiry into police violence during the protests; and an amnesty for arrested protestors. Twelve turbulent months later, this current stage of the struggle to uphold and, crucially, extend Hong Kong’s limited democracy – already quietened by the pandemic – was ended by the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) direct imposition of a draconian National Security Law (NSL) in June 2020. The NSL contains ill-defined crimes of secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign forces that carry sentences of up to life imprisonment. The implications for trade unions of such vague categories are clear, and two trade union leaders are currently in custody pending trial under the NSL. They have received widespread support from the global labour movement. Carol Ng, chairperson of the pro-democracy Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU) and Winnie Yu, chairperson of the recently organised Hospital Authority Employees Alliance (HAEA) were both arrested on 6 January this year in a police sweep of democracy activists and charged with “subversion” on 28 January. They had taken part in an unofficial primary election to decide on candidates to Hong Kong’s partially elected parliament known as the Legislative Council or LegCo. Unrelated to the NSL, HKCTU General Secretary Lee Cheuk-yan has been sentenced to fourteen months in prison for taking part in pro-democracy events in August 2019 and faces further charges. HKCTU Education Officer Leo Tang was sentenced to four months for possession of a retractable “baton” and cable ties. Trade unionists have been sacked from or harassed out of their jobs for declaring support for the Hong Kong Democracy Movement. Dragon Airlines Flight Attendants’ Association chairperson Rebecca Cy On-na was dismissed by her employers Cathay Pacific.
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香港的工会浪潮:失败前的喧嚣还是胜利之路?
香港的亲普选反专制运动(以下简称“香港民主运动”)是一场持续了近一年的高度复杂的社会运动。这场运动始于2019年6月,是对一项有争议的引渡法案的成功集体回应,该法案允许将嫌疑人移交给在不同且不透明的法律体系下运作的中国大陆法院。然而,香港政府提前取消法案并没有结束香港民主运动。在“对香港缺乏民主和警察表现的大规模不满”(Sing, 2020: 2)的推动下,又出现了四项诉求:普选;政府不再将抗议活动归类为骚乱;对抗议期间警察暴力行为进行独立调查;并赦免被捕的抗议者。动荡的12个月过去了,当前阶段维护并(至关重要的是)扩大香港有限民主的斗争——已经因疫情而平静下来——被中国共产党(CCP)于2020年6月直接实施严厉的《国家安全法》所终结。《国家安全法》包含的分裂国家罪、颠覆罪、恐怖主义罪和与外国势力勾结罪定义不清,最高可判处无期徒刑。这种模糊类别对工会的影响是明确的,目前有两名工会领导人被拘留,等待根据《国家安全法》进行审判。他们得到了全球劳工运动的广泛支持。民主派香港工会联合会(HKCTU)主席吴嘉玲(Carol Ng)和最近成立的医院管理局雇员联盟(HAEA)主席余温妮(Winnie Yu)均于今年1月6日在警方对民主活动人士的扫荡中被捕,并于1月28日被控“颠覆国家政权罪”。他们参加了一场非正式的初选,以决定香港部分选举产生的立法会(Legislative Council)的候选人。与NSL无关的是,HKCTU秘书长李卓人因参加2019年8月的民主活动而被判处14个月监禁,并面临进一步指控。香港职工会教育主任邓耀华因藏有可伸缩“警棍”及绳带,被判入狱四个月。工会成员因宣布支持香港民主运动而被解雇或被骚扰。港龙航空空乘人员协会主席梁安娜被其雇主国泰航空解雇。
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来源期刊
Global Labour Journal
Global Labour Journal INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR-
自引率
12.50%
发文量
26
审稿时长
39 weeks
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