Kelas Menengah Santri Dan Proses Demokratisasi di Indonesia

Refleksi Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI:10.15408/ref.v17i1.10195
Agus Darmaji
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The theory of the relationship between the middle class and democratization has been a serious discussion since the latter half of the 1950s when Martin Lipset tried to examine the relationship between the two to find out the main requirements for the realization and maintenance of democracy in a country. Since the Lipset period, the debate on the relation between the middle class-democratization can be divided into two mainstream approaches, namely unilinear and contingent.The first group that uses a unilinear approach has a theoretical basis for the theory of modernization. This group argues that when modernization occurs in a society, the level of income, education, socioeconomic mobility, and views on the values of freedom will also increase. These things are in turn believed to encourage the creation of democratization in a society or country that is not yet democratic, and at the same time can strengthen democratic institutions in countries that have implemented democracy as their state system. Hattori concluded that the presence of the middle class generally encouraged, even they became the main pillars of the movement towards democratization. In simple terms this unilinearist group wants to say that modernization in the socioeconomic sector will foster the middle class, which in turn will spearhead the realization of democratization in an undemocratic country. In short, according to this group the middle class is a major supporter of democratization and democracy in a country.The second mainstream is those who use a contingent or conditional approach. Unlike the first group which considers the causal linearity between social classes as a consequence of modernization and democratization, this second group assumes that the relationship between the middle class and democratization is actually a more dynamic relationship. Bruce Dickson, for example, argues that "democratization is not a natural consequence of class changes due to economic growth. It is more a result of a political process that is colored by conflict, negotiation, where in some cases it results in the opposite condition," for example returning to authoritarianism.
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Santri中产阶级和民主化进程
自20世纪50年代后半叶以来,中产阶级与民主化之间的关系理论一直是一个严肃的讨论,当时马丁·利普塞特试图考察两者之间的关系,以找出一个国家实现和维护民主的主要要求。自利普塞特时期以来,关于中产阶级民主化关系的争论可分为两种主流观点,即单边论和偶然论。第一组使用了一种非线性方法,它为现代化理论奠定了理论基础。该组织认为,当一个社会发生现代化时,收入、教育、社会经济流动性和对自由价值观的看法也会提高。这些东西反过来被认为鼓励在一个尚未民主的社会或国家建立民主化,同时可以加强那些将民主作为国家制度的国家的民主制度。服部得出的结论是,中产阶级的存在普遍受到鼓励,甚至他们成为民主化运动的主要支柱。简单地说,这个单边主义团体想说,社会经济部门的现代化将培养中产阶级,而中产阶级反过来又将在一个不民主的国家率先实现民主化。简而言之,根据这个群体的说法,中产阶级是一个国家民主化和民主的主要支持者。第二种主流是那些使用偶然或有条件方法的人。与第一组认为社会阶级之间的因果线性是现代化和民主化的结果不同,第二组认为中产阶级和民主化之间的关系实际上是一种更动态的关系。例如,布鲁斯·迪克森(Bruce Dickson)认为,“民主化不是经济增长导致的阶级变化的自然结果。它更多的是一个充满冲突和谈判色彩的政治过程的结果,在某些情况下,它会导致相反的情况,”例如回归威权主义。
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