Beyond the Double Veto: Housing Plans as Preemptive Intergovernmental Compacts

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Hastings Law Journal Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.3256857
Christopher S. Elmendorf
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

The problem of local-government barriers to housing supply is finally enjoying its moment in the sun. For decades, the states did little to remedy this problem and arguably they made it worse. But spurred by a rising Yes in My Backyard (YIMBY) movement, state legislatures are now trying to make local governments plan for more housing, allow greater density in existing residential zones, and follow their own rules when reviewing development applications. This Article describes and takes stock of the new state housing initiatives, relating them to preexisting Northeastern and West Coast approaches to the housing-supply problem; to the legal-academic literature on land use; and, going a bit further afield, to the federal government’s efforts to protect the voting rights of African Americans in the Jim Crow South. Of particular interest, we will see that in California, ground zero for the housing crisis, the general plan is evolving into something that resembles less a traditional land-use plan than a preemptive and self-executing intergovernmental compact for development permitting, one which supersedes other local law until the local government has produced its quota of housing for the planning cycle. The parties to the compact are the state, acting through its housing agency, and the local government in whose territory the housing would be built. I argue that this general approach holds real promise as a way of overcoming local barriers to housing supply, particularly in a world—our world—where there is little political consensus about the appropriate balance between local and state control over land use, or about what constitutes an illegitimate local barrier. The main weakness of the emerging California model is that the state framework does little to change the local political dynamics that caused the housing crisis in the first place. To remedy this shortcoming, I propose some modest extensions of the model, which would give relatively pro-housing factions in city politics more political leverage and policymaking discretion and also facilitate regional housing deals.
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超越双重否决:住房计划作为先发制人的政府间契约
地方政府阻碍住房供应的问题终于得到了解决。几十年来,各州几乎没有采取任何措施来解决这个问题,可以说,它们使问题变得更糟了。但是,在日益高涨的“在我家后院”(YIMBY)运动的刺激下,州立法机构正试图让地方政府规划更多的住房,允许现有住宅区的密度更高,并在审查开发申请时遵循自己的规定。本文描述并评估了新的国家住房倡议,将它们与先前存在的东北和西海岸解决住房供应问题的方法联系起来;关于土地利用的法律学术文献;再往远一点说,就是联邦政府为保护南方种族隔离地区非裔美国人的投票权所做的努力。特别有趣的是,我们将看到,在加州,住房危机的原点,总体规划正在演变成一种类似于传统土地使用计划的东西,而不是一种先发制人的、自动执行的政府间开发许可契约,它取代了其他地方法律,直到当地政府为规划周期生产出住房配额。契约的双方是通过其住房机构行事的国家,以及将在其领土上建造住房的地方政府。我认为,这种普遍的方法作为克服地方住房供应障碍的一种方式,具有真正的希望,特别是在一个世界——我们的世界——在这个世界上,关于地方和国家对土地使用的控制之间的适当平衡,或者关于什么构成了非法的地方障碍,几乎没有政治共识。新兴的加州模式的主要弱点是,州框架对改变导致住房危机的地方政治动态几乎没有作用。为了弥补这一缺陷,我提出了对该模型的一些适度扩展,这将赋予城市政治中相对支持住房的派系更多的政治杠杆和决策自由裁量权,并促进区域住房交易。
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期刊介绍: Hastings College of the Law was founded in 1878 as the first law department of the University of California, and today is one of the top-rated law schools in the United States. Its alumni span the globe and are among the most respected lawyers, judges and business leaders today. Hastings was founded in 1878 as the first law department of the University of California and is one of the most exciting and vibrant legal education centers in the nation. Our faculty are nationally renowned as both teachers and scholars.
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