Question Word Intonation in Tashlhiyt Berber: Is ‘high’ good enough?

IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Laboratory Phonology Pub Date : 2017-03-23 DOI:10.5334/LABPHON.79
Anna Bruggeman, Timo B. Roettger, M. Grice
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

The present study investigates the intonational marking of question words (qwords) in Tashlhiyt Berber. The first part of the study identifies a number of possible prosodic patterns on qwords as employed in conversational contexts. When they occur in a direct interrogative, qwords are marked with a rise in pitch towards a H(igh) target and a subsequent fall. By contrast, when the qword is embedded, no tonal targets occur on it. The second part consists of a detailed investigation of the alignment and scaling of qwords in utterance-initial position and in narrow focus. While the H target is consistently present somewhere on the qword, neither a local F0 maximum nor a high plateau region is characterized by stable alignment with any specific position in the segmental string. Scaling of the starting point (%L) and endpoint (H) of the rise characteristic of the qword exhibited a dependency on alignment: The rise is somewhat truncated if the peak is aligned early in the word. This study’s results shed more light on the intonation system of Tashlhiyt and support earlier findings suggesting that tonal placement in this language is prone to a typologically unusual degree of variability.
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柏柏尔语中的疑问词语调:“高”够好吗?
本研究调查了柏柏尔语疑问词的语调标记。研究的第一部分确定了在会话上下文中使用的qword的一些可能的韵律模式。当它们出现在直接疑问句中时,qword的标志是向H(igh)目标的音高上升,随后下降。相比之下,当qword被嵌入时,它上没有音调目标。第二部分详细研究了qword在话语初始位置和窄焦点中的对齐和缩放。虽然H目标始终存在于qword上的某个位置,但无论是局部F0最大值还是高平台区,其特征都不是与分段串中的任何特定位置稳定对准。qword的上升特性的起点(%L)和终点(H)的缩放显示出对排列的依赖性:如果峰值在单词的早期排列,则上升在一定程度上被截断。这项研究的结果为Tashlhiyt的语调系统提供了更多的线索,并支持了早期的研究结果,即这种语言中的音调位置容易出现类型学上不寻常的可变性。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
6.70%
发文量
17
审稿时长
8 weeks
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