This article details a correction to the article: Cheng, L. S. & Babel, M. & Yao, Y., (2022) “Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives”, Laboratory Phonology 13(1). doi: https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6461
{"title":"Correction: Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives","authors":"Lauretta S. P. Cheng, Molly Babel, Yao Yao","doi":"10.16995/labphon.10537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.10537","url":null,"abstract":"This article details a correction to the article: Cheng, L. S. & Babel, M. & Yao, Y., (2022) “Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives”, Laboratory Phonology 13(1). doi: https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6461","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135399245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the multimodal implementation of prosodic phonological categories. In particular, we ask whether the realization of the accentual fall (HL) and the following so-called big-accent rise (H) in the Swedish word accents (Accent 1, Accent 2) is varied as a function of accompanying head and eyebrow gestures. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the hypothesis that prominence production displays a cumulative relation between the acoustic and the kinematic dimensions of spoken language, especially focusing on the clustering of different types of gestures (head, eyebrows), at the same time asking if lexical-prosodic features would interfere with this cumulative relation. The material tested are 60 brief news readings from Swedish television, comprising about 12 minutes of speech from five news presenters (two female). The results reveal a significant trend for larger fo rises (in semitones) when a head movement accompanies the accented word, and even larger when an additional eyebrow movement is present. This trend is observed for accentual rises that encode phrase-level prominence, but not for accentual falls that are primarily related to lexical prosody. Moreover, the trend is manifested differently in different lexical-prosodic categories (words with Accent 1 vs. Accent 2, and with one vs. two lexical stresses). The study provides novel support for a cumulative-cue hypothesis and the assumption that prominence production is essentially multimodal, well in line with the idea of speech and gesture as an integrated system.
{"title":"Probing effects of lexical prosody on speech-gesture integration in prominence production by Swedish news presenters","authors":"G. Ambrazaitis, D. House","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6430","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the multimodal implementation of prosodic phonological categories. In particular, we ask whether the realization of the accentual fall (HL) and the following so-called big-accent rise (H) in the Swedish word accents (Accent 1, Accent 2) is varied as a function of accompanying head and eyebrow gestures. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the hypothesis that prominence production displays a cumulative relation between the acoustic and the kinematic dimensions of spoken language, especially focusing on the clustering of different types of gestures (head, eyebrows), at the same time asking if lexical-prosodic features would interfere with this cumulative relation. The material tested are 60 brief news readings from Swedish television, comprising about 12 minutes of speech from five news presenters (two female). The results reveal a significant trend for larger fo rises (in semitones) when a head movement accompanies the accented word, and even larger when an additional eyebrow movement is present. This trend is observed for accentual rises that encode phrase-level prominence, but not for accentual falls that are primarily related to lexical prosody. Moreover, the trend is manifested differently in different lexical-prosodic categories (words with Accent 1 vs. Accent 2, and with one vs. two lexical stresses). The study provides novel support for a cumulative-cue hypothesis and the assumption that prominence production is essentially multimodal, well in line with the idea of speech and gesture as an integrated system.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42150291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Individual variation is key to understanding phenomena in phonetic variation and change, including the production-perception link. To test the generalizability of this relationship, this study compares community- and individual-level variation across three long-standing consonant mergers in Hong Kong Cantonese speakers: [n]→[l], [ŋ̩]→[m̩] and [ŋ-]↔Ø. Concurrently, we document these understudied mergers in a community that has undergone rapid social change in recent decades. Younger (college-aged) and older (middle-aged) Hong Kongers completed a reading/translation production task followed by a forced choice lexical identification perception task. Group-level results suggest mismatching production and perception: while the community overall distinguished merger pairs in production, younger listeners are more perceptually categorical than older listeners. However, aggregate results obscure the fact that individuals vary substantially in the extent of merging in both perception and production, including many who exhibit complete merger, and that individual-level production-perception correlations were found for [n]→[l] and [ŋ̩]→[m̩], though not [ŋ-]↔Ø. Results are discussed in the context of previous research. We find that (i) these mergers have diverged from predicted trajectories of completion, and (ii) overall, prior findings on the production-perception link are generalizable to these consonant mergers.
{"title":"Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives","authors":"Lauretta S. P. Cheng, Molly Babel, Yao Yao","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6461","url":null,"abstract":"Individual variation is key to understanding phenomena in phonetic variation and change, including the production-perception link. To test the generalizability of this relationship, this study compares community- and individual-level variation across three long-standing consonant mergers in Hong Kong Cantonese speakers: [n]→[l], [ŋ̩]→[m̩] and [ŋ-]↔Ø. Concurrently, we document these understudied mergers in a community that has undergone rapid social change in recent decades. Younger (college-aged) and older (middle-aged) Hong Kongers completed a reading/translation production task followed by a forced choice lexical identification perception task. Group-level results suggest mismatching production and perception: while the community overall distinguished merger pairs in production, younger listeners are more perceptually categorical than older listeners. However, aggregate results obscure the fact that individuals vary substantially in the extent of merging in both perception and production, including many who exhibit complete merger, and that individual-level production-perception correlations were found for [n]→[l] and [ŋ̩]→[m̩], though not [ŋ-]↔Ø. Results are discussed in the context of previous research. We find that (i) these mergers have diverged from predicted trajectories of completion, and (ii) overall, prior findings on the production-perception link are generalizable to these consonant mergers.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45293412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Coetzee, P. S. Beddor, Will Styler, S. Tobin, I. Bekker, D. Wissing
Most theories of phonetics assume a tight relation between production and perception, and recent years have also seen increasing evidence for such a relation at the level of the individual. For the most part, however, this evidence comes from socially homogeneous speech communities where the targeted pattern of variation is mostly socially neutral. What implication might socially structured phonetic variation in the speech community have for the perception-production link? If listeners can predict the phonetic patterns of a talker based on the talker’s actual or assumed identity, would they adjust their perceptual strategies accordingly, possibly weakening the link between their own production and perception patterns? This study reports the results of a pair of experiments that investigate the production and perception of coarticulatory vowel nasalization in Afrikaans, a language for which variation in coarticulatory nasalization is socially structured. Relying on nasal airflow measures, the production experiment showed that speakers of White Afrikaans produce more extensive coarticulatory nasalization than speakers of Kleurling Afrikaans. The perception experiment used an eye-tracking paradigm to assess listeners’ perceptual reliance on coarticulatory nasalization, and found (i) that Afrikaans speakers’ use of coarticulatory nasalization in production predicts their perceptual reliance on this information, (ii) that they rapidly adjust to the coarticulatory timing patterns in the speech of other speakers, but also (iii) that they do not adjust their perceptual reliance on coarticulation in response to the assumed identity of the speaker. The link between perception and production therefore persists, even in this situation of socially structured variation in coarticulatory timing.
{"title":"Producing and Perceiving Socially Structured Coarticulation: Coarticulatory Nasalization in Afrikaans","authors":"A. Coetzee, P. S. Beddor, Will Styler, S. Tobin, I. Bekker, D. Wissing","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6450","url":null,"abstract":"Most theories of phonetics assume a tight relation between production and perception, and recent years have also seen increasing evidence for such a relation at the level of the individual. For the most part, however, this evidence comes from socially homogeneous speech communities where the targeted pattern of variation is mostly socially neutral. What implication might socially structured phonetic variation in the speech community have for the perception-production link? If listeners can predict the phonetic patterns of a talker based on the talker’s actual or assumed identity, would they adjust their perceptual strategies accordingly, possibly weakening the link between their own production and perception patterns? This study reports the results of a pair of experiments that investigate the production and perception of coarticulatory vowel nasalization in Afrikaans, a language for which variation in coarticulatory nasalization is socially structured. Relying on nasal airflow measures, the production experiment showed that speakers of White Afrikaans produce more extensive coarticulatory nasalization than speakers of Kleurling Afrikaans. The perception experiment used an eye-tracking paradigm to assess listeners’ perceptual reliance on coarticulatory nasalization, and found (i) that Afrikaans speakers’ use of coarticulatory nasalization in production predicts their perceptual reliance on this information, (ii) that they rapidly adjust to the coarticulatory timing patterns in the speech of other speakers, but also (iii) that they do not adjust their perceptual reliance on coarticulation in response to the assumed identity of the speaker. The link between perception and production therefore persists, even in this situation of socially structured variation in coarticulatory timing.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48569122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study of articulatory complexity has proven to yield useful insights into the phonological mechanisms of spoken languages. In sign languages, this type of knowledge is scarcely documented. The current study compares an error-driven measure and a model-driven measure of complexity for signs in French Sign Language (LSF). The former measure is based on error rates of handshape, location, orientation, movement, and sign fluidity in a repetition task administered to non-signers; the latter measure is derived by applying a feature-geometry model of sign description to the same set of signs. A significant correlation is found between the two measures for the overall complexity. When looking at the effects of individual phonological classes on complexity, a significant correlation is found for handshape and location but not for movement. We discuss how these results indicate that a fine-grained theoretical model of sign phonology/phonetics reflects the degree of complexity as from the perceptual and articulatory properties of signs.
{"title":"Measuring sign complexity: Comparing a model-driven and an error-driven approach","authors":"Justine Mertz,Chiara Annucci,Valentina Aristodemo,Beatrice Giustolisi,Doriane Gras,Giuseppina Turco,Carlo Geraci,Caterina Donati","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6439","url":null,"abstract":"The study of articulatory complexity has proven to yield useful insights into the phonological mechanisms of spoken languages. In sign languages, this type of knowledge is scarcely documented. The current study compares an error-driven measure and a model-driven measure of complexity for signs in French Sign Language (LSF). The former measure is based on error rates of handshape, location, orientation, movement, and sign fluidity in a repetition task administered to non-signers; the latter measure is derived by applying a feature-geometry model of sign description to the same set of signs. A significant correlation is found between the two measures for the overall complexity. When looking at the effects of individual phonological classes on complexity, a significant correlation is found for handshape and location but not for movement. We discuss how these results indicate that a fine-grained theoretical model of sign phonology/phonetics reflects the degree of complexity as from the perceptual and articulatory properties of signs.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138506014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is mounting evidence suggesting that temporal information is necessary in representations of lexical tone. Gestural models of tone provide a natural entry point to linking abstract association with physical realization, but remain underdeveloped. We present the results of two acoustic production studies on two dialects of Serbian, a lexical pitch accent language. In the Belgrade dialect, pitch accents are aligned relatively late in the tone-bearing unit, while in the Valjevo dialect, pitch accents are phonetically retracted, sometimes into the preceding syllable. We varied the phonetic duration of syllable onsets of candidate tone-bearing units in falling (experiment 1) and rising (experiment 2) pitch accents, and measured the effects on the timing of F0 excursions. Consistent interactions between F0 excursions and the segmental content indicate that the phonological system of abstract tone association is the same in both dialects, despite differences in temporal alignment. We argue that this apparent mismatch between association and alignment can be expressed straightforwardly in the Articulatory Phonology framework by allowing tone gestures to coordinate with other gestures in all the ways that segmental gestures can, rather than restricting tone to c-center coordination.
{"title":"Expanding the gestural model of lexical tone: Evidence from two dialects of Serbian","authors":"Robin Karlin","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6443","url":null,"abstract":"There is mounting evidence suggesting that temporal information is necessary in representations of lexical tone. Gestural models of tone provide a natural entry point to linking abstract association with physical realization, but remain underdeveloped. We present the results of two acoustic production studies on two dialects of Serbian, a lexical pitch accent language. In the Belgrade dialect, pitch accents are aligned relatively late in the tone-bearing unit, while in the Valjevo dialect, pitch accents are phonetically retracted, sometimes into the preceding syllable. We varied the phonetic duration of syllable onsets of candidate tone-bearing units in falling (experiment 1) and rising (experiment 2) pitch accents, and measured the effects on the timing of F0 excursions. Consistent interactions between F0 excursions and the segmental content indicate that the phonological system of abstract tone association is the same in both dialects, despite differences in temporal alignment. We argue that this apparent mismatch between association and alignment can be expressed straightforwardly in the Articulatory Phonology framework by allowing tone gestures to coordinate with other gestures in all the ways that segmental gestures can, rather than restricting tone to c-center coordination.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138506019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study presents empirical evidence from read vs. interactive speech to shed light on the nature of the alveolar-retroflex sibilant merger by young speakers of Taiwan Mandarin (TM). TM speakers often merge the two sibilants through deretroflexion of the retroflex category. The results of the read speech showed that the variation is on a full continuum, from a complete merger to clear contrasts, and the merger is more prevalent among male speakers, demonstrating the impact of the social stigma associated with the merger. However, the results of the interactive task demonstrated that speakers who merged the contrast produced the retroflex sounds as distinct from their alveolar counterparts, revealing hidden structures in the mental lexicon. The mismatch between the abstract phonological knowledge and actual implementation in production suggests that the exposure to phonological systems of other speakers, especially those who make clear distinctions, has led to the incorporation of discrete categories into the phonological knowledge of the merged speakers. These findings suggest that large individual variation in the early stages of sound change may provide evidence for possible categories in a given language for language learners; however, their implementation may be further modulated by social as well as other phonetic factors.
{"title":"Unmerging the sibilant merger among speakers of Taiwan Mandarin","authors":"Sang-Im Lee-Kim, Chou Iris Yun-Chieh","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6446","url":null,"abstract":"This study presents empirical evidence from read vs. interactive speech to shed light on the nature of the alveolar-retroflex sibilant merger by young speakers of Taiwan Mandarin (TM). TM speakers often merge the two sibilants through deretroflexion of the retroflex category. The results of the read speech showed that the variation is on a full continuum, from a complete merger to clear contrasts, and the merger is more prevalent among male speakers, demonstrating the impact of the social stigma associated with the merger. However, the results of the interactive task demonstrated that speakers who merged the contrast produced the retroflex sounds as distinct from their alveolar counterparts, revealing hidden structures in the mental lexicon. The mismatch between the abstract phonological knowledge and actual implementation in production suggests that the exposure to phonological systems of other speakers, especially those who make clear distinctions, has led to the incorporation of discrete categories into the phonological knowledge of the merged speakers. These findings suggest that large individual variation in the early stages of sound change may provide evidence for possible categories in a given language for language learners; however, their implementation may be further modulated by social as well as other phonetic factors.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47123000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates whether Mandarin listeners integrate a prosody-covarying phonological variable, the Tone 3 sandhi (T3S), into auditory sentence disambiguation. The Mandarin T3S process changes the first of two consecutive low tones (T3) into a rising tone. It applies obligatorily within a foot and optionally across feet. When T3S is optional, it is more likely to apply to T3 syllables across smaller prosodic boundaries than larger ones; the smaller the boundary, the sharper the T3S pitch rise. Participants listened to twenty-seven structurally ambiguous sentences containing two consecutive T3 syllables. Posing different T3-intervening prosodic boundaries would result in different interpretations. The first T3 syllable was manipulated into three tone shapes (sharp-rising, shallow-rising, low) and two duration types (long, short). Participants identified from two written interpretations the one consistent with what they heard. The results show higher major-juncture interpretation rates when the first T3 is long than short, when T3S does not apply than when it applies, and when T3S has a shallower than sharper pitch slope. The tone effect further interacts with the possibility of T3 syllable foot formation of each sentence. We propose that listeners have a sophisticated knowledge of prosodic variables and use it efficiently in linguistically meaningful contexts.
{"title":"Integrating the phonological and phonetic aspects of Mandarin third tone sandhi in auditory sentence disambiguation","authors":"Wei Lai, Aini Li","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6416","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates whether Mandarin listeners integrate a prosody-covarying phonological variable, the Tone 3 sandhi (T3S), into auditory sentence disambiguation. The Mandarin T3S process changes the first of two consecutive low tones (T3) into a rising tone. It applies obligatorily within a foot and optionally across feet. When T3S is optional, it is more likely to apply to T3 syllables across smaller prosodic boundaries than larger ones; the smaller the boundary, the sharper the T3S pitch rise. Participants listened to twenty-seven structurally ambiguous sentences containing two consecutive T3 syllables. Posing different T3-intervening prosodic boundaries would result in different interpretations. The first T3 syllable was manipulated into three tone shapes (sharp-rising, shallow-rising, low) and two duration types (long, short). Participants identified from two written interpretations the one consistent with what they heard. The results show higher major-juncture interpretation rates when the first T3 is long than short, when T3S does not apply than when it applies, and when T3S has a shallower than sharper pitch slope. The tone effect further interacts with the possibility of T3 syllable foot formation of each sentence. We propose that listeners have a sophisticated knowledge of prosodic variables and use it efficiently in linguistically meaningful contexts.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48046608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many languages tend to mark vowel-initial words with a glottal stop in connected speech, especially when the word is in a prominent position (Garellek, 2014). This also happens in Maltese, even though the glottal stop here also occurs as a phoneme, so that the epenthetic glottal stop may significantly alter which other words the vowel-initial word is similar to. For the pair attur /ɑtːur/ versus qattus /ʔɑtːus/ (Engl. ‘actor’ vs. ‘cat), adding an epenthetic glottal stop to the vowel-initial renders the two words more similar. This provides an interesting test bed for the hypothesis of audience design. If speakers want to highlight the contrast between the two words, they should, in contrast to what usually happens when a word is prominent, not produce an epenthetic glottal stop. We tested this is in a production experiment and found that speakers instead produce much more glottal stops for such vowel-initial words under a phonological contrast compared with an unaccented version, and even slightly more than when under a lexical contrast (e.g., actor vs. theatre). Our results provide an example of a limitation of audience design.
许多语言倾向于在连接语音中用声门顿音标记元音开头的单词，特别是当单词处于突出位置时(Garellek, 2014)。这在马耳他语中也会发生，尽管这里的声门塞音也是作为音素出现的，所以辅音的声门塞音可能会显著地改变元音开头的单词与其他单词的相似程度。对于这对夫妇来说，attur / æ t / ur/ vs . qattus / æ t / us/(英语。“演员”和“猫”)，在元音的首字母后面加上一个外音的声门顿音，使这两个词更加相似。这为受众设计假说提供了一个有趣的测试平台。如果说话者想要强调两个单词之间的对比，他们应该，与通常一个单词突出时不同，不要产生一个外音的声门顿音。我们在一个生产实验中测试了这一点，发现说话者在语音对比下比在非重音版本中对这些元音开头的单词发出更多的声门顿音，甚至比在词汇对比下(例如，演员和剧院)发出更多的声门顿音。我们的结果提供了用户设计局限性的一个例子。
{"title":"Limits of audience design: Epenthetic glottal stops in Maltese","authors":"Clive Sciberras, H. Mitterer","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6441","url":null,"abstract":"Many languages tend to mark vowel-initial words with a glottal stop in connected speech, especially when the word is in a prominent position (Garellek, 2014). This also happens in Maltese, even though the glottal stop here also occurs as a phoneme, so that the epenthetic glottal stop may significantly alter which other words the vowel-initial word is similar to. For the pair attur /ɑtːur/ versus qattus /ʔɑtːus/ (Engl. ‘actor’ vs. ‘cat), adding an epenthetic glottal stop to the vowel-initial renders the two words more similar. This provides an interesting test bed for the hypothesis of audience design. If speakers want to highlight the contrast between the two words, they should, in contrast to what usually happens when a word is prominent, not produce an epenthetic glottal stop. We tested this is in a production experiment and found that speakers instead produce much more glottal stops for such vowel-initial words under a phonological contrast compared with an unaccented version, and even slightly more than when under a lexical contrast (e.g., actor vs. theatre). Our results provide an example of a limitation of audience design.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43346199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Dialect B,” a diphthong raising pattern conditioned by a following obstruent’s surface voicing, was first observed by Joos (1942) among Canadian schoolchildren. It has rarely been documented for /ai/ (Berkson, Davis, & Strickler, 2017) and has never been documented for /aw/ in any North American English variety. Phonetic /aw/ raising, which has raised nuclei in words like “out” but not in words like “loud” or “outer,” contrasts with more widely documented phonological /aw/ raising, which has raised nuclei in words like “out” and “outer” but not in words like “loud.” In the current study, we examined /aw/ productions from 57 white suburban speakers of Greater New Orleans English, a variety where /aw/ raising before voiceless consonants is a change in progress (Carmichael, 2020b). We classified speakers into three raising patterns: none, phonetic, and phonological. All three raising patterns were present in our data set. This study thus constitutes the first acoustic documentation of a phonetic /aw/ raising pattern produced by a North American English speaker. Additionally, we probe the acoustic implementations of the patterns to analyze phonetic enhancement post-phonologization. These analyses add to descriptions of Greater New Orleans English patterns and build on recent work examining incipient vowel shifts.
{"title":"“Dialect B” on the Mississippi: An acoustic study of /aw/ raising patterns in Greater New Orleans, Louisiana","authors":"Marie Bissell, Katie Carmichael","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6453","url":null,"abstract":"“Dialect B,” a diphthong raising pattern conditioned by a following obstruent’s surface voicing, was first observed by Joos (1942) among Canadian schoolchildren. It has rarely been documented for /ai/ (Berkson, Davis, & Strickler, 2017) and has never been documented for /aw/ in any North American English variety. Phonetic /aw/ raising, which has raised nuclei in words like “out” but not in words like “loud” or “outer,” contrasts with more widely documented phonological /aw/ raising, which has raised nuclei in words like “out” and “outer” but not in words like “loud.” In the current study, we examined /aw/ productions from 57 white suburban speakers of Greater New Orleans English, a variety where /aw/ raising before voiceless consonants is a change in progress (Carmichael, 2020b). We classified speakers into three raising patterns: none, phonetic, and phonological. All three raising patterns were present in our data set. This study thus constitutes the first acoustic documentation of a phonetic /aw/ raising pattern produced by a North American English speaker. Additionally, we probe the acoustic implementations of the patterns to analyze phonetic enhancement post-phonologization. These analyses add to descriptions of Greater New Orleans English patterns and build on recent work examining incipient vowel shifts.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43760645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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