Does Whiggish Founderism Work for Black or Cultural History?

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI:10.1353/rah.2022.0026
D. Waldstreicher
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Abstract

In 2007, Richard S. Newman introduced a group of essays in the William and Mary Quarterly under the rubric of “Black Founders in the New Republic.” He argued that the relatively neglected first generations of antislavery activists and community leaders like Richard Allen deserved that title at least as much as the white founding fathers who had been experiencing a revival in popular narratives and some scholarly circles. Calling them Black founders, Newman implied, would help historians appreciate the “spectrum of thought and activism” they displayed even as figures like Allen and Benjamin Banneker alternately claimed and challenged Washington and Jefferson. The analogy of founding fathers, as a generation and an array of leaders who theorized and strategized and organized, might even gain them some of the attention and veneration that white founders had been afforded in a spate of bestsellers.1 At the time I remember thinking at the time that applying “founders” lingo to African Americans in the early republic risked letting what I and others had been calling “Founders Chic” off the hook. It begged the question of the relationship between white and Black founders and thus obscured the question of the relationship of slavery and of African Americans to the larger narrative of U.S. history. It also might bury the increasingly evident historiographical relationship between the two topics, slavery and the founding of the United States, which was not so much one of an emerging opportunity for African American history as a backlash to it—for it seemed obvious that increased attention to slavery and Black histories, especially in the form of Sally Hemings, had itself sent some historians into impassioned searches for still-heroic, still “revolutionary” founders (first Adams, then Washington, then Franklin, later Hamilton) whose antislavery credentials had been newly exaggerated.2 Perhaps I needn’t have worried so much. There proved to be plenty, perhaps all too many, other ways to keep those tensions in focus—and even on the front page.
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辉格党的建国主义对黑人或文化史有用吗?
2007年,理查德·S·纽曼在《威廉与玛丽季刊》上以“新共和国的黑人创始人”为题介绍了一组文章。“他认为,像理查德·艾伦这样相对被忽视的第一代反奴隶制活动家和社区领袖,至少和那些在流行叙事和一些学术界经历复兴的白人开国元勋一样,理应获得这个称号。纽曼暗示,称他们为黑人创始人将有助于历史学家欣赏他们所表现出的“思想和行动主义的光谱”,即使艾伦和本杰明·班内克等人物交替声称和挑战华盛顿和杰斐逊。作为一代人和一系列领导者,开国元勋们进行了理论化、战略化和组织化的类比,甚至可能为他们赢得一系列畅销书中白人创始人所给予的一些关注和尊敬。1我记得当时我想,在共和国早期,对非裔美国人使用“创始人”的行话可能会让我和其他人所说的“创始人奇克”摆脱困境。它回避了白人和黑人创始人之间的关系问题,从而将奴隶制和非裔美国人的关系问题掩盖在美国历史的更大叙事中。这也可能掩盖奴隶制和美国建国这两个主题之间日益明显的历史关系,这与其说是非裔美国人历史的一个新兴机会,不如说是对它的一种反弹——因为很明显,人们对奴隶制和黑人历史的关注,尤其是以萨莉·海明斯的形式,这本身就让一些历史学家慷慨激昂地寻找仍然英勇、仍然“革命”的创始人(先是亚当斯,然后是华盛顿,然后是富兰克林,后来是汉密尔顿),他们的反奴隶制资历被新夸大了。2也许我不必担心那么多。事实证明,有很多,也许太多的其他方式可以让人们关注这些紧张局势,甚至登上头版。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
14
期刊介绍: Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.
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