A gradação em português brasileiro e a variação translinguística na expressão da comparação/ Degree constructions in Brazilian Portuguese and the translinguistic variation in the expression of comparative constructions

IF 0.2 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Revista de Estudos da Linguagem Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI:10.17851/2237-2083.30.4.2015-2042
L. Souza, Roberta Oliveira, Lara Frutos, Kayron Bevilaqua
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Abstract

: The paper discusses the hypothesis of parameters for the expression of comparison and degree constructions discussing data from Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Beck et alii (2009) and Beck, Oda and Sugisaki (2004) propose three parameters: i) the language has degree predicates (DSP – Degree Structure Parameter); ii) the language has or does not have binding of degree variables in the syntax (DAP -Degree Abstraction Parameter); and iii) the language has a syntactic degree argument filled (DegPP – Degree Phrase Parameter). Languages with negative setting in the DSP do not show any degree construction at all, especially comparative constructions with an expression like “more”. The DAP explains structures with binding of degree variables in the syntax, like comparative clauses with scope ambiguities. At last, there is the impossibility of filling the syntactic degree argument of gradable adjectives with measure phrases (cf. * 2 metros alto/2 meters tall ). This fact is explained by a negative setting in the DegPP. It is shown that BP receives positive setting in the first ones but negative setting in the last. It is also discussed degree interrogatives and measure phrases like 2 metros de altura “2 meters of height”. The paper concludes that these structures should be better discussed to understand their place in the degree parameter hypothesis.
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巴西葡萄牙语的度结构与比较结构表达的跨语言变异
本文以巴西葡萄牙语(BP)数据为例,讨论了比较表达和程度结构的参数假设。Beck et alii(2009)和Beck, Oda和Sugisaki(2004)提出了三个参数:i)语言具有程度谓词(DSP -程度结构参数);ii)语言在语法中有或没有程度变量的绑定(DAP -程度抽象参数);iii)该语言有一个语法程度参数填充(DegPP -程度短语参数)。DSP中带有否定设置的语言根本没有表现出任何程度结构,尤其是带有“more”这样的比较级结构。DAP解释了语法中具有程度变量绑定的结构,例如具有范围歧义的比较子句。最后,不可用量词短语填充可分级形容词的句法程度参数(参见* 2 m alto/2 m tall)。这一事实可以用DegPP中的负设置来解释。结果表明,BP在前一种情况下为正整定,在后一种情况下为负整定。还讨论了程度疑问句和测量短语,如“2米高”。本文的结论是,这些结构应该更好地讨论,以了解它们在度参数假设中的位置。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Revista de Estudos da Linguagem
Revista de Estudos da Linguagem LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
55
审稿时长
52 weeks
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