Locating de-lateralization in the pathway of sound changes affecting coda /l/

IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Laboratory Phonology Pub Date : 2020-11-30 DOI:10.5334/labphon.236
Patrycja Strycharczuk, D. Derrick, Jason A. Shaw
{"title":"Locating de-lateralization in the pathway of sound changes affecting coda /l/","authors":"Patrycja Strycharczuk, D. Derrick, Jason A. Shaw","doi":"10.5334/labphon.236","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"‘Vocalization’ is a label commonly used to describe an ongoing change in progress affecting coda /l/ in multiple accents of English. The label is directly linked to the loss of consonantal constriction observed in this process, but it also implicitly signals a specific type of change affecting manner of articulation from consonant to vowel, which involves loss of tongue lateralization, the defining property of lateral sounds. In this study, we consider two potential diachronic pathways of change: an abrupt loss of lateralization which follows from the loss of apical constriction, versus slower gradual loss of lateralization that tracks the articulatory changes to the dorsal component of /l/. We present articulatory data from seven speakers of New Zealand English, acquired using a combination of midsagittal and lateral EMA, as well as midsagittal ultrasound. Different stages of sound change are reconstructed through synchronic variation between light, dark, and vocalized /l/, induced by systematic manipulation of the segmental and morphosyntactic environment, and complemented by comparison of different individual articulatory strategies. Our data show a systematic reduction in lateralization that is conditioned by increasing degrees of /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalization. This observation supports the idea of a gradual diachronic shift and the following pathway of change: /l/-darkening, driven by the dorsal gesture, precipitates some loss of lateralization, which is followed by loss of the apical gesture. This pathway indicates that loss of lateralization is an integral component in the changes in manner of articulation of /l/ from consonantal to vocalic.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3000,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"7","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Laboratory Phonology","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5334/labphon.236","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7

Abstract

‘Vocalization’ is a label commonly used to describe an ongoing change in progress affecting coda /l/ in multiple accents of English. The label is directly linked to the loss of consonantal constriction observed in this process, but it also implicitly signals a specific type of change affecting manner of articulation from consonant to vowel, which involves loss of tongue lateralization, the defining property of lateral sounds. In this study, we consider two potential diachronic pathways of change: an abrupt loss of lateralization which follows from the loss of apical constriction, versus slower gradual loss of lateralization that tracks the articulatory changes to the dorsal component of /l/. We present articulatory data from seven speakers of New Zealand English, acquired using a combination of midsagittal and lateral EMA, as well as midsagittal ultrasound. Different stages of sound change are reconstructed through synchronic variation between light, dark, and vocalized /l/, induced by systematic manipulation of the segmental and morphosyntactic environment, and complemented by comparison of different individual articulatory strategies. Our data show a systematic reduction in lateralization that is conditioned by increasing degrees of /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalization. This observation supports the idea of a gradual diachronic shift and the following pathway of change: /l/-darkening, driven by the dorsal gesture, precipitates some loss of lateralization, which is followed by loss of the apical gesture. This pathway indicates that loss of lateralization is an integral component in the changes in manner of articulation of /l/ from consonantal to vocalic.
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
定位影响尾音/l/的声音变化通路中的去侧化
“发声”是一个标签,通常用来描述在英语的多种口音中影响尾/升/的持续变化。这个标签与在这个过程中观察到的辅音收缩的丧失直接相关,但它也隐含地表明了一种影响从辅音到元音发音方式的特定类型的变化,包括舌头侧化的丧失,侧音的定义属性。在这项研究中,我们考虑了两种潜在的历时性变化途径:一种是由于根尖收缩的丧失而导致侧化的突然丧失,另一种是随着/l/的背侧部分的关节变化而缓慢地逐渐丧失侧化。我们介绍了7名新西兰英语使用者的发音数据,这些数据是通过矢状位和外侧位EMA以及矢状位超声联合获得的。不同阶段的声音变化是通过光、暗和发声/l/之间的同步变化来重建的,这些变化是由系统地操纵节段和形态句法环境引起的,并通过比较不同的个体发音策略来补充。我们的数据显示,侧化的系统性减少是由/l/-暗化和/l/-发声程度的增加所决定的。这一观察结果支持了一个渐进的历时性转变和以下变化途径的观点:/l/-变暗,由背侧手势驱动,沉淀了一些侧化的丧失,随后是顶端手势的丧失。这一途径表明,侧侧化的丧失是/l/从辅音到元音发音方式变化的一个组成部分。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
6.70%
发文量
17
审稿时长
8 weeks
期刊最新文献
Correction: Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives Probing effects of lexical prosody on speech-gesture integration in prominence production by Swedish news presenters Production and perception across three Hong Kong Cantonese consonant mergers: Community- and individual-level perspectives Producing and Perceiving Socially Structured Coarticulation: Coarticulatory Nasalization in Afrikaans Measuring sign complexity: Comparing a model-driven and an error-driven approach
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1