The Paradox of Administrative Preemption

IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Pub Date : 2014-02-20 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.2379627
David S. Rubenstein
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Abstract

Administrative preemption is a convenience and contrivance for modern government. But, as uncovered here, it is also a constitutional paradox. Specifically, in the federalism context the Court treats agency action as preemptive under the Supremacy Clause, which provides that certain federal “Laws” shall be supreme over state law. However, if agency action qualifies as “Law,” then it should be void under separation-of-powers principles (and thus ineligible to preempt state law). Meanwhile, if agency action does not qualify as “Law” (thus avoiding a separation-of-powers problem), then it should fall beyond the Supremacy Clause’s purview. Paradoxically, administrative preemption requires that agency action simultaneously qualify as (1) “Law” for federalism purposes and (2) “not Law” for separation of powers. The Founders surely never intended this. Although much has changed since then, resort to the Court’s interpretive glosses for modern government fare no better. For instance, if the Court’s premise behind administrative preemption is that agencies make “Law,” then how should we understand the Court’s longstanding insistence otherwise in the separation-of-powers context? And, if unelected administrative officials can displace state law in Congress’s stead, what are we to make of the Court’s heralded political-safeguards theory of federalism? These inquests underscore the difficulty of settling on a constitutional premise that is both broad enough to justify administrative preemption, yet narrow enough to preserve the Court’s legitimating theories of modern government. Perhaps administrative preemption is right, and the Court’s legitimating glosses for modern government are wrong. Or perhaps the inverse is true. This Article’s insight is that these cannot all be right — at least not without a new constitutional bargain.
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行政优先权的悖论
行政优先权是现代政府的一种便利和发明。但是,正如本文所揭示的,这也是一个宪法悖论。具体而言,在联邦制背景下,法院根据最高条款将机构行为视为先发制人,该条款规定某些联邦“法律”应高于州法律。然而,如果代理行为符合“法律”的条件,那么它在三权分立原则下应该是无效的(因此没有资格优先于州法律)。同时,如果机构行为不符合“法律”的条件(从而避免权力分立问题),那么它应该超出最高条款的范围。矛盾的是,行政优先权要求机构行为同时符合(1)联邦目的的“法律”和(2)三权分立的“非法律”。国父们肯定没有这个打算。尽管从那时起发生了很大的变化,但诉诸最高法院对现代政府的解释也没有更好。例如,如果法院在行政优先权背后的前提是行政机关制定“法律”,那么我们应该如何理解法院在三权分立的背景下长期坚持的相反观点?而且,如果未经选举的行政官员可以代替国会取代州法律,我们又该如何理解最高法院倡导的联邦制政治保障理论呢?这些调查凸显了确立一个宪法前提的难度,这个前提既要广泛到足以证明行政优先权是合理的,又要狭隘到足以维护最高法院对现代政府的合法化理论。也许行政优先权是正确的,而最高法院为现代政府所做的合法化粉饰是错误的。或者反过来也是对的。本文的观点是,这些不可能都是正确的——至少在没有新的宪法协议的情况下是正确的。
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期刊介绍: The Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy is published three times annually by the Harvard Society for Law & Public Policy, Inc., an organization of Harvard Law School students. The Journal is one of the most widely circulated student-edited law reviews and the nation’s leading forum for conservative and libertarian legal scholarship. The late Stephen Eberhard and former Senator and Secretary of Energy E. Spencer Abraham founded the journal twenty-eight years ago and many journal alumni have risen to prominent legal positions in the government and at the nation’s top law firms.
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