Revitalizing the Clemency Process

IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Pub Date : 2016-11-01 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.2862705
Paul J. Larkin, Jr.
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

St. Anselm once asked how a perfectly just God could also be merciful, since perfect justice and almighty grace could not seemingly coexist. Fortunately, the criminal justice system does not need to answer that question, one that has proven inscrutable for theologians and philosophers, because its assumptions do not apply to our system. An earthly judicial system will never be able to administer justice perfectly and cannot disburse mercy even approaching the quality of the divine. But the clemency power can try to achieve as much of an accommodation between those two goals as any human institution can. Unfortunately, however, our recent span of presidents, attuned more to political than humanitarian considerations and fearing the electoral wrath of the voters for mistaken judgments, have largely abandoned their ability to grant clemency in order to husband their political capital for pedestrian undertakings. Far worse, others have succumbed to the dark side of “the Force,” have used their power shamefully, and have left a stain on clemency that we have yet to remove. We now have reached a point where that taint can be eliminated. There is a consensus that the clemency process can and should be reformed. The problem lies not in the power itself, but in the process by which cases are brought to the President for his review and maybe in the people we have elected to make those decisions. The Office of the Pardon Attorney should be transferred from the Department of Justice to the Executive Office of the President, and the President should select someone to fill that position. That revision to the clemency process should help us see a return of the necessary role that clemency can play in a system that strives to be both just and merciful.
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重振宽恕程序
圣安瑟伦曾经问过,既然完美的正义和全能的恩典似乎不能共存,那么一个完全公正的上帝怎么可能同时仁慈呢?幸运的是,刑事司法系统不需要回答这个问题,这个问题已经被证明对神学家和哲学家来说是不可理解的,因为它的假设不适用于我们的系统。一个世俗的司法系统将永远无法完美地执行正义,也无法支付仁慈,甚至接近神圣的品质。但是,宽大处理的权力可以像任何人类机构一样,尽量在这两个目标之间实现协调。然而,不幸的是,我们最近的几任总统,更多地关注政治而不是人道主义考虑,担心选民因错误的判断而在选举中愤怒,他们在很大程度上放弃了给予宽大处理的能力,以便将自己的政治资本用于平凡的事业。更糟糕的是,其他人已经屈服于“原力”的阴暗面,可耻地使用他们的力量,并留下了我们尚未消除的仁慈污点。我们现在已经到了可以消除这种污染的地步。人们一致认为,宽大处理程序能够而且应该进行改革。问题不在于权力本身,而在于将案件提交给总统审查的过程,也许还在于我们选出来做这些决定的人。赦免检察官办公室应该从司法部转移到总统行政办公室,总统应该选择一个人来填补这个职位。对宽恕程序的这一修订应有助于我们看到宽恕在一个努力既公正又仁慈的制度中所能发挥的必要作用的恢复。
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期刊介绍: The Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy is published three times annually by the Harvard Society for Law & Public Policy, Inc., an organization of Harvard Law School students. The Journal is one of the most widely circulated student-edited law reviews and the nation’s leading forum for conservative and libertarian legal scholarship. The late Stephen Eberhard and former Senator and Secretary of Energy E. Spencer Abraham founded the journal twenty-eight years ago and many journal alumni have risen to prominent legal positions in the government and at the nation’s top law firms.
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