{"title":"Higher education and non-violent civil disobedience","authors":"John Rosales","doi":"10.3354/ESEP00113","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"J. Lemons and D. A. Brown, 2 admittedly timid scholars, pose the question of whether non-violent civil disobedience is now ethically justified in the case of climate change (Lemons & Brown 2011, this issue). In order to get to a position where an individual must decide on whether non-violent civil disobedience is in fact justified and necessary, what can be called an ‘I gotta do something’ moment, one must first see themselves clearly, especially in relation to others, so as to be impelled to act. The role of higher education is paramount in developing the self-vision required for individuals to arrive at the ‘I gotta do something’ moment. This is why universities, where young people explore who they are and what they value, are hotbeds of civil disobedience. A curricular strategy built around the concept of positionality compels the self-reflection necessary for students to see themselves clearly and perhaps arrive at an ‘I gotta do something’ moment. Positionality is the practice of recognizing one’s own position — gender, social status, race, sexuality, and so forth — and its relation to other beings and things, including the planet. Positionality refers to the recognition that position in life often determines one’s production of knowledge. Positionality often avoids solipsism, i.e. the tendency toward discounting, or not acknowledging at all, any experience other than your own. Solipsism should be avoided because it discourages seeing the conditions of others and being empathetic; solipsism encourages being aloof to injustice. If, however, we are to resolve the climate crisis and ‘swerve’, as eminent science studies scholar Donna Haraway states, ‘from the established disorder of finished, deadly worlds,’ we must first be able to recognize the deadly conditions our existence creates (Haraway 1994, p. 66). Those of us who reside in cultures of high consumption must recognize the repercussions of a high consumption lifestyle and how our existence affects others outside our experience. We must, for example, recognize the ravages of climate change on peoples in far off lands such as Tuvalu, the Maldives, and in coastal Alaska. A curriculum based on positionality would quickly reveal that wealthier peoples are largely to blame for climate chaos because of the higher consumption that usually accompanies wealth and that those of us in positions of privilege have the duty to act first and shoulder the burden for climate action. By extension, people living a privileged life have the ethical responsibility to work for change. This ethical reasoning again brings us to answer the question posed by Lemons & Brown (2011): Is non-violent civil disobedience ethically justified in the case of climate change? Yes, especially for those who possess the unfortunate facts about climate change and their society’s contribution to the crisis, and who understand that greenhouse gas emissions anywhere threaten life everywhere. The privileged few, like Lemons and Brown, can use non-violent civil disobedience to make these facts visible, create the tension necessary for these facts to be confronted, and to avoid, in the words of Martin Luther King (King 1963, p. 3), the ‘appalling silence’ and indifference of the majority. King (1963) recommends a 4 step process for civil disobedience, which is also the logical extension of a curriculum based on positionality: (1) Collection of facts: find out where injustice resides and expose it. (2) Negotiation: try to resolve tensions through dialogue. If these fail, (3) self-purification: prepare yourself for the repercussions of your actions — ask yourself if you can ‘accept blows without retaliating’; then (4) direct action: publically present yourself in opposition to injustice. The facts on climate change were submitted long ago. The science of climate change and its dire impacts","PeriodicalId":40001,"journal":{"name":"Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics","volume":"11 1","pages":"17-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2011-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3354/ESEP00113","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
J. Lemons and D. A. Brown, 2 admittedly timid scholars, pose the question of whether non-violent civil disobedience is now ethically justified in the case of climate change (Lemons & Brown 2011, this issue). In order to get to a position where an individual must decide on whether non-violent civil disobedience is in fact justified and necessary, what can be called an ‘I gotta do something’ moment, one must first see themselves clearly, especially in relation to others, so as to be impelled to act. The role of higher education is paramount in developing the self-vision required for individuals to arrive at the ‘I gotta do something’ moment. This is why universities, where young people explore who they are and what they value, are hotbeds of civil disobedience. A curricular strategy built around the concept of positionality compels the self-reflection necessary for students to see themselves clearly and perhaps arrive at an ‘I gotta do something’ moment. Positionality is the practice of recognizing one’s own position — gender, social status, race, sexuality, and so forth — and its relation to other beings and things, including the planet. Positionality refers to the recognition that position in life often determines one’s production of knowledge. Positionality often avoids solipsism, i.e. the tendency toward discounting, or not acknowledging at all, any experience other than your own. Solipsism should be avoided because it discourages seeing the conditions of others and being empathetic; solipsism encourages being aloof to injustice. If, however, we are to resolve the climate crisis and ‘swerve’, as eminent science studies scholar Donna Haraway states, ‘from the established disorder of finished, deadly worlds,’ we must first be able to recognize the deadly conditions our existence creates (Haraway 1994, p. 66). Those of us who reside in cultures of high consumption must recognize the repercussions of a high consumption lifestyle and how our existence affects others outside our experience. We must, for example, recognize the ravages of climate change on peoples in far off lands such as Tuvalu, the Maldives, and in coastal Alaska. A curriculum based on positionality would quickly reveal that wealthier peoples are largely to blame for climate chaos because of the higher consumption that usually accompanies wealth and that those of us in positions of privilege have the duty to act first and shoulder the burden for climate action. By extension, people living a privileged life have the ethical responsibility to work for change. This ethical reasoning again brings us to answer the question posed by Lemons & Brown (2011): Is non-violent civil disobedience ethically justified in the case of climate change? Yes, especially for those who possess the unfortunate facts about climate change and their society’s contribution to the crisis, and who understand that greenhouse gas emissions anywhere threaten life everywhere. The privileged few, like Lemons and Brown, can use non-violent civil disobedience to make these facts visible, create the tension necessary for these facts to be confronted, and to avoid, in the words of Martin Luther King (King 1963, p. 3), the ‘appalling silence’ and indifference of the majority. King (1963) recommends a 4 step process for civil disobedience, which is also the logical extension of a curriculum based on positionality: (1) Collection of facts: find out where injustice resides and expose it. (2) Negotiation: try to resolve tensions through dialogue. If these fail, (3) self-purification: prepare yourself for the repercussions of your actions — ask yourself if you can ‘accept blows without retaliating’; then (4) direct action: publically present yourself in opposition to injustice. The facts on climate change were submitted long ago. The science of climate change and its dire impacts
两位公认胆小的学者j·莱蒙斯和d·a·布朗提出了一个问题,即在气候变化的情况下,非暴力的公民不服从是否在道德上是合理的(莱蒙斯和布朗2011年,本期)。为了达到一个个人必须决定非暴力的公民不服从是否实际上是合理和必要的位置,可以被称为“我必须做点什么”的时刻,一个人必须首先清楚地看到自己,特别是与他人的关系,以便被推动采取行动。高等教育在培养个人达到“我要做某事”时刻所需的自我愿景方面发挥着至关重要的作用。这就是为什么大学是年轻人探索自己是谁和自己看重什么的温床。围绕位置概念建立的课程策略迫使学生进行必要的自我反思,以清楚地看到自己,并可能达到“我必须做点什么”的时刻。定位是认识到自己的位置——性别、社会地位、种族、性取向等等——以及它与其他存在和事物,包括地球的关系的实践。位置性是指认识到生活中的位置往往决定了一个人的知识产出。立场主义通常避免唯我论,即倾向于贬低或根本不承认自己以外的任何经验。我们应该避免唯我论,因为它会阻碍我们去观察他人的处境并产生同理心;唯我论鼓励人们对不公正保持冷漠。然而,如果我们要解决气候危机并“转向”,正如著名的科学研究学者唐娜·哈拉威所说,“从已完成的、致命的世界的既定混乱中”,我们必须首先能够认识到我们的存在创造了致命的条件(哈拉威1994,第66页)。我们这些生活在高消费文化中的人必须认识到高消费生活方式的影响,以及我们的存在如何影响我们经验之外的其他人。例如,我们必须认识到气候变化对图瓦卢、马尔代夫和阿拉斯加沿海地区等偏远地区人民造成的破坏。基于位置性的课程很快就会揭示出,富裕人群在很大程度上要为气候混乱负责,因为富裕通常会带来更高的消费,而我们这些处于特权地位的人有责任首先采取行动,承担气候行动的负担。推而言之,享有特权的人有道德责任为变革而努力。这种道德推理再次让我们回答了莱蒙斯和布朗(2011)提出的问题:在气候变化的情况下,非暴力的公民不服从在道德上是合理的吗?是的,特别是对于那些了解气候变化的不幸事实以及他们的社会对这场危机的贡献的人,以及那些明白任何地方的温室气体排放都会威胁到任何地方的生命的人。像莱蒙斯和布朗这样享有特权的少数人,可以使用非暴力的公民不服从,让这些事实变得可见,创造出面对这些事实所必需的紧张局势,并用马丁·路德·金(King 1963, p. 3)的话来说,避免大多数人的“骇人听闻的沉默”和冷漠。King(1963)提出了公民不服从的四步过程,这也是基于位置性的课程的逻辑延伸:(1)收集事实:找出不公正存在的地方并揭露它。(2)谈判:努力通过对话化解紧张局势。如果这些都失败了,(3)自我净化:为自己的行为带来的后果做好准备——问问自己是否能“接受打击而不报复”;然后(4)直接行动:公开反对不公正。关于气候变化的事实很久以前就提交了。气候变化科学及其可怕的影响
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