In the Wake of the Storm.

Q3 Social Sciences Education Next Pub Date : 2010-01-01 DOI:10.2307/j.ctt2005wk6.44
Michael Henderson
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Voucher programs and their supporters have had a tough last few years. The Florida Supreme Court declared vouchers in that state unconstitutional in 2006. Three years later, the Arizona Supreme Court did the same. In 2007, voters in Utah handed a resounding defeat to a voucher program there. In 2009, the U.S. Congress refused to continue funding the federal voucher program in Washington, D.C., effectively killing the program in the nation's capital. The Louisiana legislature stood apart from this trend and in the summer of 2008 passed Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence, the state's first voucher program, specifically for New Orleans, In the fall, 870 students in kindergarten through 3rd grade whose families earned less than two and a half times the federal poverty level and who would otherwise attend some of the worst schools in the city received vouchers worth up to $6,000 to attend private schools of their choice. In the second year, 2009-10, the maximum voucher amount rose to more than $7,000. The number of students receiving vouchers increased to 1,324. Thirty-one private schools, most of How vouchers came to the Big Easy them parochial, in Orleans Parish and neighboring Jefferson Parish serve these students. As was the case before Hurricane Katrina (see "Hope after Katrina," feature, Fall 2006), private schools educate about one-third of the students in Orleans Parish (see Figure 1). How did the Louisiana legislature pass this proposal when so many other states were rejecting similar programs? At first glance the question may not seem particularly interesting. After all, Louisiana is seen as the perennial exception to the general rule of American political culture. The state's most famous political personality and a uniquely Louisianan character, Huey P. Long, once described himself as sui generis, one of a kind. The moniker is as fitting to the land of Long as to the man himself. On top of that, Hurricane Katrina brought unprecedented physical destruction, demographic shifts, and economic impacts that reshaped state and local politics as well. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In fact, passage of House Bill 1347, which established the Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence Program, depended on many factors, only some of which can be traced to Hurricane Katrina. The legislative success of the program was more a political story than a fluke of geography or history. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] "In a way we've never done before" Policy innovation comes slowly along (he muddy banks of the Mississippi River. Frequently, it seems only an external catalyst (federal civil-rights enforcement, international fluctuations in the price of oil, or floodwaters) can spur new approaches to the social and economic challenges that have long faced New Orleans. The city's Old World persona has frustrated the reformer at least as much as it has intrigued the tourist. School governance is no exception. Prior to Hurricane Katrina. The Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB was the strongest board politically in the state. It oversaw the largest district, the most students, and the biggest budget. It employed more teachers and staff than any other district, a ready resource for phone calls and letters directed at state officials. Its boundaries overlapped with 15 seats in the Louisiana House of Representatives and another 7 in the Senate, represen ting about 15 percent of the legislature, far more than any other school district. New Orleans was also home to the state's strongest teachers union, United Teachers of New Orleans (UTNO). In the 1970s, it was the first teachers union in the Deep South (and the only one in Louisiana) to win collective bargaining rights. Choice in Action (Figure 1) More than two-thirds of schoolchildren in New Orleans attended either a private school or a charter school in 2008-09. Private 34% RSD and BESE (state) charter 24% OPSB (district) charter 14% RSD (state) tranditional 23% OPSB (district) traditional 5% SOURCES: Greater New Orleany Community Data Center (private school enrollment, October 2008); New Schools for New Orleans, 2008-09 school year Note: Table made from pie chart. …
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在风暴之后。
代金券项目和他们的支持者在过去几年里过得很艰难。2006年,佛罗里达州最高法院宣布该州的代金券违宪。三年后,亚利桑那州最高法院也做出了同样的决定。2007年,犹他州的选民彻底否决了当地的代金券计划。2009年,美国国会拒绝继续为华盛顿特区的联邦教育券项目提供资金,实际上扼杀了这个在美国首都推行的项目。路易斯安那州的立法机关在这一趋势中脱颖而出,在2008年夏天通过了教育卓越学生奖学金,这是该州第一个专门针对新奥尔良的代金券计划。在秋天,870名从幼儿园到三年级的学生,他们的家庭收入不到联邦贫困水平的2.5倍,否则他们将进入该市一些最差的学校,他们获得了价值高达6000美元的代金券,可以进入他们选择的私立学校。第二年,2009-10年度,最高代金券金额上升到7000多美元。接受教育券的学生人数增加到1324人。在奥尔良教区和邻近的杰斐逊教区,有31所私立学校为这些学生提供教育。就像卡特里娜飓风之前的情况一样(见“卡特里娜过后的希望”专题,2006年秋季),私立学校教育了奥尔良教区大约三分之一的学生(见图1)。当许多其他州拒绝类似的计划时,路易斯安那州的立法机构是如何通过这项提案的?乍一看,这个问题似乎不是特别有趣。毕竟,路易斯安那州一直被视为美国政治文化普遍规律的例外。该州最著名的政治人物和独特的路易斯安那人休伊·p·朗(Huey P. Long)曾形容自己是独一无二的。这个绰号既适合他本人,也适合他的国度。最重要的是,卡特里娜飓风带来了前所未有的物质破坏、人口变化和经济影响,重塑了州和地方政治。事实上,众议院1347号法案的通过,即设立优秀教育学生奖学金计划,依赖于许多因素,其中只有一部分可以追溯到卡特里娜飓风。该计划的立法成功与其说是地理或历史上的侥幸,不如说是一个政治故事。“以一种我们从未做过的方式”,政策创新沿着泥泞的密西西比河岸边缓慢而来。通常情况下,似乎只有外部的催化剂(联邦民权的执行,国际油价的波动,或者洪水)才能激发新的方法来解决新奥尔良长期面临的社会和经济挑战。这座城市的旧世界形象让这位改革者感到沮丧,至少和它吸引游客的程度一样。学校治理也不例外。在卡特里娜飓风之前。奥尔良教区学校董事会(OPSB)是该州政治上最强大的董事会。它管理着最大的学区、最多的学生和最多的预算。它雇佣的教师和员工比其他任何地区都多,是给州政府官员打电话和写信的现成资源。它的边界与路易斯安那州众议院的15个席位和参议院的7个席位重叠,代表了大约15%的立法机构,远远超过其他任何学区。新奥尔良也是该州最强大的教师工会——新奥尔良教师联合会(UTNO)的所在地。在20世纪70年代,它是南方腹地第一个(也是路易斯安那州唯一一个)赢得集体谈判权的教师工会。行动中的选择(图1)2008-09年,新奥尔良超过三分之二的学生就读于私立学校或特许学校。私立34% RSD和BESE(州)特许24% OPSB(地区)特许14% RSD(州)传统23% OPSB(地区)传统5%资料来源:大新奥尔良社区数据中心(私立学校注册,2008年10月);新奥尔良新建学校,2008-09学年注:表格由饼状图制成。…
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Education Next
Education Next Social Sciences-Education
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Tilting at Windmills: School Reform, San Diego, and America's Race to Renew Public Education Inside the Black Box of Classroom Practice: Change without Reform in American Education In the Wake of the Storm. High Stakes in Chicago The Human Capital Century.
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