Was the Orthodox Church in the Rearguard of the February Revolution

B. N. Mironov
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Abstract

The article evaluates the second edition of M. A. Babkin's monograph “The Priesthood and the Kingdom” in the context of numerous reviews of the first edition. Most historians think that the Russian Orthodox Church was an uncomplaining tool in the hands of the state during the synodal period. According to Babkin, the leadership of the Orthodox Church was dissatisfied with its position, was burdened by state control and sought to gain self-government. By supporting the Provisional Government, the hierarchs hoped to gain new prerogatives, but they miscalculated. The first edition of monograph caused heated debate. Many reviewers recognized the conclusions of the author; some objected to certain provisions, the adequacy of sources and methodology. According to B. N. Mironov, many of Babkin’s findings are well-reasoned, but he doubts the assessment of the degree of democracy of the hierarchs and the clergy in general and their ability to influence the course of events. In 1985, Gregory Freeze challenged the point of view about the Russian Orthodox Church as a servant of the state. In his opinion, after the reforms of Peter the Great and until 1917, the Church retained the status of an institution parallel to the state apparatus and firmly defended its prerogatives, remaining a force to be reckoned with by the authorities. By 1917, the alliance between the throne and the altar had disintegrated, and the Orthodox Church had become a prominent factor in the revolution. In fact, Babkin, using other sources and a theological approach, reasonably supported and developed Freeze’s opinion, which would be correctly called the concept of Freeze-Babkin.
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东正教是二月革命的后卫吗
这篇文章在对第一版的众多评论的背景下评估了m.a.巴金的专著“祭司和王国”的第二版。大多数历史学家认为,在主教会议时期,俄罗斯东正教会是国家手中一个毫无怨言的工具。根据巴布金的说法,东正教会的领导层对其地位不满意,受到国家控制的负担,并寻求获得自治。通过支持临时政府,贵族们希望获得新的特权,但他们错了。专著的第一版引起了激烈的争论。许多审稿人认可了作者的结论;有些人反对某些规定、来源的适当性和方法。根据b·n·米罗诺夫的说法,巴布金的许多发现都是合理的,但他怀疑对等级制度和神职人员的民主程度以及他们影响事件进程的能力的评估。1985年,格里高利·弗罗斯特(Gregory Freeze)挑战了俄罗斯东正教会是国家仆人的观点。在他看来,在彼得大帝改革之后,直到1917年,教会仍然保持着与国家机器平行的机构地位,坚定地捍卫着自己的特权,仍然是当局不可忽视的力量。到1917年,王权和圣坛之间的联盟已经瓦解,东正教成为革命的重要因素。事实上,巴布金利用其他资料和神学方法,合理地支持和发展了冻结的观点,这将被正确地称为冻结-巴布金的概念。
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20
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