AB5实验——各州是否应该采用加州的工人分类法?

Samantha J. Prince
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摘要

一个工人被分类为独立承包商或雇员决定了他是否有权获得最低工资、加班费、工人补偿、失业补偿、反歧视保护、NLRA保护和许多其他安全网保护。在2019冠状病毒病期间,失业保护扩大到独立承包商,但这不是常态,在大流行后可能不会继续下去。对某些工人,特别是那些在零工经济中工作的工人进行分类是一项挑战,因此各州正在寻找答案——要么通过自己的创新,要么通过其他州的创新。加州的答案是AB5。AB5的目标是纠正基于应用程序的司机和其他工作人员的错误分类问题。大量的工作人员,包括法庭记者、自由撰稿人和摄影师、教练、卡车司机、表演艺术家(哑剧演员、魔术师、喜剧演员等)和音乐家谴责AB5。由于AB5将基于应用程序的司机(如Uber、Lyft、DoorDash等)重新分类为员工,它在加州以外的地区也很有名,并将继续受到全国的关注。这种重新分类是无效的,因为优步的第22号提案于2020年11月通过,使得基于应用程序的司机不受加州工人分类法的约束。正如布兰代斯大法官所说,联邦制的好处之一是各州可以充当“民主的实验室”。如果各州都在进行实验,实验性联邦制可以为各州提供集体学习的机会,但各州往往会相互寻求创新的解决方案,这样他们就可以搭便车,而不是进行实验。一些正在寻求改进工人分类法的州试图从加州的AB5“实验”中学习,并有可能搭便车。在考虑是否采用AB5或类似的法规时,各州应至少考虑三个因素:法律与本州的相关性,获取法律信息的便利性,以及采用、实施和执行法律的成本。本文通过详细介绍AB5实验,包括优步第22号提案的影响,帮助政策制定者和利益团体。本文应用了上述三个因素,并确定加州的法律虽然意图良好,但可能对其他州或联邦政府没有价值或不被采用,部分原因是它包含109个豁免。最后,本文得出结论,为了使实验性联邦制的好处最大化,一组州,无论是同质的还是异质的,都应该尝试更新颖的方法,以达到工人(mis)分类的更优解决方案。采用加州的工人分类法将导致各州遵循次优法律,并延迟各州达成更好的解决方案。工人需要保护,但加州的工人分类法并不能充分满足这一需求。
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The AB5 Experiment – Should States Adopt California’s Worker Classification Law?
A worker’s classification as either independent contractor or employee drives whether a worker is entitled to minimum wage, overtime, worker’s compensation, unemployment compensation, anti-discrimination protection, NLRA protections, and many other safety-net protections. During COVID-19, unemployment protections were extended to independent contractors, but this is not the norm and likely will not continue post-pandemic. Classifying certain workers, particularly those who work in the gig economy, is challenging, so states are looking for an answer – either through their own innovation or through that of other states. California’s answer was AB5. AB5’s goals were to correct misclassification issues for app-based drivers and other workers. A plethora of workers including court reporters, freelance writers and photographers, coaches, truckers, performing artists (mimes, magicians, comedians, etc.), and musicians rebuked AB5. AB5 is well known beyond California’s borders as it received, and continues to receive, nationwide attention because it reclassified app-based drivers (such as Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, etc.) as employees. This reclassification was ineffectual because Uber’s Prop 22 passed in November 2020 rendering app-based drivers exempt from California’s worker classification law. As Justice Brandeis said, one of the benefits of federalism is that states can act as “laboratories of democracy.” Experimental federalism can provide for collective learning across the states if they are all experimenting, but often states look to one another for innovative solutions so that they can free-ride instead of experiment. Some states that are looking for an improved worker classification law seek to learn from, and potentially free-ride on, California’s AB5 “experiment.” In considering whether to adopt AB5 or a similar statute, states should consider, at a minimum, three factors: relevancy of the law to their state, ease in obtaining information about the law, and the costs to adopt, implement, and enforce the law. This article assists policymakers and interest groups by providing a detailed look at the AB5 experiment including the impact of Uber’s Prop 22. This article applies the aforementioned three factors and determines that California’s law, while well-intentioned is likely not valuable for, or adoptable by, other states or the federal government partly because it contains 109 exemptions. Ultimately, this article concludes that to maximize the benefits of experimental federalism, a group of states, both homogenous and heterogenous to California, should experiment with more novel approaches to reach a more optimal solution to worker (mis)classification. Adopting California’s worker classification law will result in states following a sub-optimal law and delay states from reaching a better solution. Workers need protections, but California’s worker classification law does not sufficiently satisfy this need.
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