书评:《自行车道:荷兰自行车基础设施的政治和治理,1920-2020》,作者:Henk-Jan Dekker

P. Cox
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引用次数: 0

摘要

很好的理由。这两个城市都是汽车工业的主要中心,并成为英国和日本典型的汽车城。城市历史学家西蒙·冈恩(Simon Gunn)对英国第二大城市以汽车为主的交通和城镇规划进行了极具说服力的叙述。早在20世纪30年代,人们就开始设计将伯明翰重建为一个汽车友好型城市,并对未来大规模机动化进行预期。在第二次世界大战后的头几年就设计了建设多车道内环的计划,但直到1972年才完全实施。由于实行了汽车友好型基础设施政策,伯明翰及其市中心对驾车者来说变得很方便。但伯明翰城市化的代价是巨大的:内城环造成了城市衰败,并将中央商务区与周围的住宅区分开。名古屋是日本都市圈中的一个特例。多车道街道和城市高速公路的建设有利于20世纪60年代机动化的后期快速增长。与欧洲个人机动化的先驱英国不同,日本是个人汽车拥有量的后来者。作者没有详细阐述为什么名古屋的城市规划者没有从简·雅各布斯(Jane Jacobs)和其他批评美国汽车友好城市的人那里吸取教训,而是重复他们美国同行的错误。在这两个城市,交通基础设施和城市环境的建设都遵循交通工程的范式和汽车自由流动的目的。城市规划和汽车之间的关系惊人地相似,可能是因为这两个城市都是全国最大的汽车制造商BMC和丰田的所在地。作者描述了20世纪70年代,公众对城市地区个人大规模机动化的不利影响的日益关注。对噪音和空气污染的意识以及对城市结构的破坏取代了快速方便的汽车使用的有益影响。英国和日本公众同时发现了大规模机动化对生态的不利影响。这本非常值得推荐的书对城市规划、大规模机动化和交通的历史及其相互联系提出了非常刺激的见解。
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Book Review: Cycling Pathways: the politics and governance of Dutch Cycling infrastructure, 1920–2020 by Henk-Jan Dekker
good reasons. Both cities were major centres of the car industry and became the quintessential motor towns of the UK and Japan. The urban historian Simon Gunn develops a highly convincing narrative of the cardominated transport and town planning in the second biggest city in the UK. Designs to rebuild Birmingham as a car-friendly city and the anticipation of future mass motorization already started in the 1930s. Plans for the construction of a multi-lane inner ring were designed in the first years after World War II, but not fully implemented until 1972. As a consequence of a car-friendly infrastructure policy, Birmingham and its centre became conveniently accessible for motorists. But the price for Birmingham’s urbanity was considerable: The inner-city ring caused urban blight and separated the central business district from the surrounding residential areas. Nagoya was a special case among the metropolitan areas of Japan. The construction of multi-lane streets and urban motorways was conducive for a late, but steep growth of motorization during the 1960s. Unlike the UK, the European pioneer of individual motorization, Japan was a latecomer in individual car ownership. The authors do not elaborate the question why Nagoya’s town planners did not learn the lessons from Jane Jacobs and other critics of the car-friendly American city and repeated the mistakes of their American counterparts. In both cities, the construction of traffic infrastructure and the urban environment followed the paradigms of traffic engineering and the purpose of an uninhibited flow of cars. The relationship between town planning and the car were surprisingly similar, probably because both cities were home of the biggest national car manufacturers, of BMC and Toyota. The authors describe the growing public concern about the adverse effects of individual mass motorization in urban areas during the 1970s. The awareness of noise and air pollution and the destruction of the urban fabric superseded the beneficial effects of swift and convenient car use. The British and the Japanese public discovered the adverse ecological effects of mass motorization at the same time. This highly recommendable book presents highly stimulating insights into the history of urban planning, mass motorization and traffic and their interlocking relation.
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