墨西哥革命后的暴力事件

Gema Kloppe-Santamaria
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摘要

尽管内战和武装冲突正式结束,墨西哥在20世纪30年代和40年代继续经历严重的暴力事件。传统上,这一时期与平定、制度化和权力集中的过程有关,这些过程使革命后的墨西哥巩固了统治,这一过程的缩影是20世纪40年代开始并持续到20世纪下半叶的全国谋杀率的显著下降。然而,在地区和地方层面上,以国家-社会关系为特征的强制和抵抗的动态表明,暴力渗透到社会的各个方面,并且是由多种行为者实施的,包括义务警员、枪手、私人民兵、私刑暴徒、军队、警察和其他暴力企业家。暴力既被用作质疑革命后国家计划合法性的手段,也被用作代表政治精英和地方权力掮客进行控制和强制的工具。相反,暴力取代了传统政治领域,构成了塑造墨西哥社会的核心力量。公共和私人领域针对妇女的暴力、经济利益驱动的暴力以及公民试图控制犯罪和社会违法行为表明,公民——不仅仅是国家行为者——助长了暴力的再现。虽然革命后的墨西哥的暴力既不是集中的,也不是自上而下的,但有罪不罚和犯罪分子与政治分子之间的勾结是在国家和民间社会内产生和延续暴力的核心。在革命后的这二十年里,当代墨西哥暴力的性质和程度与其说是一种失常,不如说是一种更长的、尽管不均匀和非线性的、分散的、多方面的、多角色的暴力形式的历史轨迹的最新表现。
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Violence in Postrevolutionary Mexico
Despite the formal end of civil war and armed conflict, Mexico continued to experience significant levels of violence during the 1930s and 1940s. This period has traditionally been associated with the process of pacification, institutionalization, and centralization of power that enabled the consolidation of rule in postrevolutionary Mexico, a process epitomized by the marked national decline in levels of homicide that began during the 1940s and continued during the second half of the 20th century. The dynamics of coercion and resistance that characterized state-society relations at the regional and local levels reveal, however, that violence pervaded all aspects of society and that it was perpetrated by a multiplicity of actors, including vigilantes, pistoleros, private militias, lynch mobs, military, police, and other violent entrepreneurs. Violence was used as both a means to contest the legitimacy of the postrevolutionary state project as well as an instrument of control and coercion on behalf of political elites and local power brokers. Conversely, violence superseded the realm of traditional politics and constituted a central force shaping Mexican society. Violence against women in the public and private spheres, violence driven by economic interests, and citizens’ attempts to control crime and social transgressions reveal that citizens—and not only state actors—contributed to the reproduction of violence. Although violence in postrevolutionary Mexico was neither centralized nor exercised in a top-down manner, impunity and collusion between criminal and political elements were central in the production and perpetuation of violence both within the state and within civil society. When examined in light of these two decades of the postrevolutionary period, the character and levels of violence in contemporary Mexico appear less as an aberration and more as the latest expression of a longer, though uneven and nonlinear, historical trajectory of decentralized, multifaceted, and multi-actor forms of violence.
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