{"title":"社会菌根:农业生态农业经济的社会基础设施","authors":"Isaac Sohn Leslie","doi":"10.1080/23251042.2023.2267828","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAlternative agriculture (e.g. agroecology and organics) aims to address global environmental and social problems: goals that hinge on alternative farms’ economic viability. Viability depends on farmers accessing key resources (e.g. land), typically through markets, but also through social relationships. In this article, I offer a theory of how agroecological farmers’ social infrastructure can enable resource access. ‘Social mycorrhiza’ uses ecological mycorrhiza as a metaphor to conceptualize how individuals with simultaneous market interests and movement-based values (like alternative farmers) create social networks that facilitate resource access, in circumstances where they trust each other will act according to both their economic interests and their social and environmental values, over time. Social mycorrhiza highlights cooptation – when social and environmental values are sacrificed for economic interests – and burnout – when economic viability is sacrificed forsocial and environmental values. I illustrate social mycorrhiza using a case study of alternative (organic and agroecological) farmers in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. In short, social mycorrhiza describes the social relational infrastructure of agroecological farming economies.KEYWORDS: Agrarian questionagroecologyfarm viabilitypolitical economysocial movementscommunity and economic developmentfood justice AcknowledgmentsI thank the farmers and other alternative food system leaders I interviewed for this study. Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, Steph Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman, and Mark Anthony each shaped this project in important ways.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Similarly, the Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition uses the term ‘social mycelium’ to describe social ties in their network (Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition Citation2020). Ecologically speaking, ‘mycelium’ refers to a collection of hyphae, described below. In contrast to this use of social mycelium, I use social mycorrhiza to describe a more specific type of social relationship that involves resource flows between at least two entities. Whereas ‘mycelium’ refers to the part of a fungus that delivers resources, ‘mycorrhiza’ refers to the relationship between fungi and plants where they can mutualistically exchange resources between each other under certain conditions, also described below.2. Polanyi themself was ambiguous about the distinction between money and credit in their theory of fictitious commodities, which is important for political economic theory (Jessop Citation2019), but not for this article. For a discussion of the importance of credit to agriculture, the historical expansion of the credit system into agriculture, and credit as a fictitious commodity, see Henderson (Citation1998).3. For a complete discussion of methods, see Leslie (Citation2020). Before starting this research, I obtained ethics approval by University of Wisconsin-Madison’s IRB office and obtained informed consent before every interview.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Fulbright Association; UW-Madison Department Sociology; UW-Madison Department of Community and Environmental Sociology; Mellon-Wisconsin; Center for Integrated Agricultural Systems; Rural Sociological Society.Notes on contributorsIsaac Sohn LeslieDr. Isaac Sohn Leslie, is an Extension Assistant Professor of Community Development, Graduate Faculty in Food Systems, and Collaborator with the Institute for Agroecology at the University of Vermont.","PeriodicalId":54173,"journal":{"name":"Environmental Sociology","volume":" 45","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Social mycorrhiza: The social infrastructure of agroecological farming economies\",\"authors\":\"Isaac Sohn Leslie\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/23251042.2023.2267828\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTAlternative agriculture (e.g. agroecology and organics) aims to address global environmental and social problems: goals that hinge on alternative farms’ economic viability. Viability depends on farmers accessing key resources (e.g. land), typically through markets, but also through social relationships. In this article, I offer a theory of how agroecological farmers’ social infrastructure can enable resource access. ‘Social mycorrhiza’ uses ecological mycorrhiza as a metaphor to conceptualize how individuals with simultaneous market interests and movement-based values (like alternative farmers) create social networks that facilitate resource access, in circumstances where they trust each other will act according to both their economic interests and their social and environmental values, over time. Social mycorrhiza highlights cooptation – when social and environmental values are sacrificed for economic interests – and burnout – when economic viability is sacrificed forsocial and environmental values. I illustrate social mycorrhiza using a case study of alternative (organic and agroecological) farmers in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. In short, social mycorrhiza describes the social relational infrastructure of agroecological farming economies.KEYWORDS: Agrarian questionagroecologyfarm viabilitypolitical economysocial movementscommunity and economic developmentfood justice AcknowledgmentsI thank the farmers and other alternative food system leaders I interviewed for this study. Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, Steph Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman, and Mark Anthony each shaped this project in important ways.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Similarly, the Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition uses the term ‘social mycelium’ to describe social ties in their network (Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition Citation2020). Ecologically speaking, ‘mycelium’ refers to a collection of hyphae, described below. In contrast to this use of social mycelium, I use social mycorrhiza to describe a more specific type of social relationship that involves resource flows between at least two entities. Whereas ‘mycelium’ refers to the part of a fungus that delivers resources, ‘mycorrhiza’ refers to the relationship between fungi and plants where they can mutualistically exchange resources between each other under certain conditions, also described below.2. Polanyi themself was ambiguous about the distinction between money and credit in their theory of fictitious commodities, which is important for political economic theory (Jessop Citation2019), but not for this article. For a discussion of the importance of credit to agriculture, the historical expansion of the credit system into agriculture, and credit as a fictitious commodity, see Henderson (Citation1998).3. For a complete discussion of methods, see Leslie (Citation2020). 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引用次数: 0
摘要
替代农业(如生态农业和有机农业)旨在解决全球环境和社会问题:这些目标取决于替代农场的经济可行性。生存能力取决于农民能否获得关键资源(如土地),通常通过市场,但也通过社会关系。在这篇文章中,我提出了一个关于生态农业农民的社会基础设施如何使资源获得的理论。“社会菌根”使用生态菌根作为隐喻,概念化具有同时市场利益和基于运动的价值观的个体(如替代农民)如何创建促进资源获取的社会网络,在他们相互信任的情况下,他们将根据他们的经济利益和社会和环境价值,随着时间的推移而行动。社会菌根强调合作——当社会和环境价值为经济利益牺牲时——和倦怠——当经济可行性为社会和环境价值牺牲时。我用阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯省的替代(有机和农业生态)农民的案例研究来说明社会菌根。简而言之,社会菌根描述了农业生态农业经济的社会关系基础设施。关键词:农业问题农业生态农场生存能力政治经济社会运动社区和经济发展粮食正义感谢我为这项研究采访的农民和其他替代粮食系统的领导者。Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, stephen Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman和Mark Anthony都以重要的方式塑造了这个项目。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。同样,佛蒙特州健康土壤联盟使用“社会菌丝体”一词来描述其网络中的社会关系(佛蒙特州健康土壤联盟引文2020)。从生态学上讲,“菌丝体”是指菌丝的集合,如下所述。与社会菌丝体的使用相反,我使用社会菌根来描述一种更具体的社会关系类型,这种关系涉及至少两个实体之间的资源流动。“菌丝体”指的是真菌提供资源的部分,而“菌根”指的是真菌和植物之间的关系,它们可以在一定条件下相互交换资源,详见下文2。波兰尼本人在他们的虚拟商品理论中对货币和信用之间的区别模棱两可,这对政治经济理论很重要(Jessop Citation2019),但对本文并不重要。关于信贷对农业的重要性、信贷系统对农业的历史扩张以及信贷作为一种虚拟商品的讨论,见Henderson (Citation1998)。有关方法的完整讨论,请参阅Leslie (Citation2020)。在开始这项研究之前,我获得了威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校IRB办公室的伦理批准,并在每次采访前获得知情同意。这项工作得到了富布赖特协会的支持;威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社会学系;威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社区与环境社会学系;Mellon-Wisconsin;农业综合系统中心;农村社会学学会。关于贡献者的说明isaac Sohn LeslieDr。艾萨克·索恩·莱斯利,食品系统研究生院社区发展推广助理教授,佛蒙特大学农业生态研究所合作者。
Social mycorrhiza: The social infrastructure of agroecological farming economies
ABSTRACTAlternative agriculture (e.g. agroecology and organics) aims to address global environmental and social problems: goals that hinge on alternative farms’ economic viability. Viability depends on farmers accessing key resources (e.g. land), typically through markets, but also through social relationships. In this article, I offer a theory of how agroecological farmers’ social infrastructure can enable resource access. ‘Social mycorrhiza’ uses ecological mycorrhiza as a metaphor to conceptualize how individuals with simultaneous market interests and movement-based values (like alternative farmers) create social networks that facilitate resource access, in circumstances where they trust each other will act according to both their economic interests and their social and environmental values, over time. Social mycorrhiza highlights cooptation – when social and environmental values are sacrificed for economic interests – and burnout – when economic viability is sacrificed forsocial and environmental values. I illustrate social mycorrhiza using a case study of alternative (organic and agroecological) farmers in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. In short, social mycorrhiza describes the social relational infrastructure of agroecological farming economies.KEYWORDS: Agrarian questionagroecologyfarm viabilitypolitical economysocial movementscommunity and economic developmentfood justice AcknowledgmentsI thank the farmers and other alternative food system leaders I interviewed for this study. Clara Craviotti, Jane Collins, Monica White, Mike Bell, Steph Tai, Pinar Batur, Angela Serrano, Jaclyn Wypler, Tom Safford, Emily Kyker-Snowman, and Mark Anthony each shaped this project in important ways.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Similarly, the Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition uses the term ‘social mycelium’ to describe social ties in their network (Vermont Healthy Soils Coalition Citation2020). Ecologically speaking, ‘mycelium’ refers to a collection of hyphae, described below. In contrast to this use of social mycelium, I use social mycorrhiza to describe a more specific type of social relationship that involves resource flows between at least two entities. Whereas ‘mycelium’ refers to the part of a fungus that delivers resources, ‘mycorrhiza’ refers to the relationship between fungi and plants where they can mutualistically exchange resources between each other under certain conditions, also described below.2. Polanyi themself was ambiguous about the distinction between money and credit in their theory of fictitious commodities, which is important for political economic theory (Jessop Citation2019), but not for this article. For a discussion of the importance of credit to agriculture, the historical expansion of the credit system into agriculture, and credit as a fictitious commodity, see Henderson (Citation1998).3. For a complete discussion of methods, see Leslie (Citation2020). Before starting this research, I obtained ethics approval by University of Wisconsin-Madison’s IRB office and obtained informed consent before every interview.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Fulbright Association; UW-Madison Department Sociology; UW-Madison Department of Community and Environmental Sociology; Mellon-Wisconsin; Center for Integrated Agricultural Systems; Rural Sociological Society.Notes on contributorsIsaac Sohn LeslieDr. Isaac Sohn Leslie, is an Extension Assistant Professor of Community Development, Graduate Faculty in Food Systems, and Collaborator with the Institute for Agroecology at the University of Vermont.
期刊介绍:
Environmental Sociology is dedicated to applying and advancing the sociological imagination in relation to a wide variety of environmental challenges, controversies and issues, at every level from the global to local, from ‘world culture’ to diverse local perspectives. As an international, peer-reviewed scholarly journal, Environmental Sociology aims to stretch the conceptual and theoretical boundaries of both environmental and mainstream sociology, to highlight the relevance of sociological research for environmental policy and management, to disseminate the results of sociological research, and to engage in productive dialogue and debate with other disciplines in the social, natural and ecological sciences. Contributions may utilize a variety of theoretical orientations including, but not restricted to: critical theory, cultural sociology, ecofeminism, ecological modernization, environmental justice, organizational sociology, political ecology, political economy, post-colonial studies, risk theory, social psychology, science and technology studies, globalization, world-systems analysis, and so on. Cross- and transdisciplinary contributions are welcome where they demonstrate a novel attempt to understand social-ecological relationships in a manner that engages with the core concerns of sociology in social relationships, institutions, practices and processes. All methodological approaches in the environmental social sciences – qualitative, quantitative, integrative, spatial, policy analysis, etc. – are welcomed. Environmental Sociology welcomes high-quality submissions from scholars around the world.