《法国理论中的美国政治:德里达、德勒兹、瓜塔里和福柯的翻译》,杰森·德默斯著(书评)

IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 LITERATURE SUB-STANCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1353/sub.2023.a907154
Kenneth Surin
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This stems from a second problem associated with Derrida’s deconstructive positions, namely, that apart from making theoretical moves acclamatory of those positioned on the margins, albeit in relation to a deconstructed and displaced center held in an endless abeyance, it also leaves the Derridean Other in a situation of debilitating indeterminacy – the infinite deferral of Derrida’s différance and the à venir purports to be redemptive, but is ultimately incapacitating. Derrida’s eschatology always trumps his politics. In fact, in his theoretical and practical “spaces,” Derrida’s cat seems to have the same discursive status as Mandela. 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Demers observes, for example, that there was a relay or “mutual implication” (5) between Paris and Columbia University, which occurred in the aftermath of the events of May ’68, that recalled a somewhat earlier circuit, also leading to Paris, which involved the mid-1960s Berkeley free speech movement. To approach the work of Deleuze and Guattari, Derrida, and Foucault by resorting to terms such as “post-structuralism” or “French theory” severs them from the crucial relays and circuits constituting the complex and highly mobile transpositions of their work to an American intellectual and political milieu, and vice versa, and it is clear that Demers views, quite rightly, that the political and the intellectual are inextricably bound up with each other. Demers acknowledges his debt here to the versions of assemblage theory formulated in Jane Bennett’s Vibrant Matter, Manuel DeLanda’s Assemblage Theory and A New Philosophy of Society, and Bruno Latour’s Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Buttressing these texts for Demers is the work of catalytic significance undertaken by Deleuze and Guattari on assemblages/ensembles. The supervening context for these processes of transmission between France and the Anglo-American world is the global May ’68. Demers’s first chapter deals with Derrida and the notions of translation and margins in order to delineate and analyze the “contiguous [End Page 127] relationship between campus and community” (12). The difficulty Demers grasps here is that Derrida’s work on the place of philosophy, already premised on the defining notion that there is no “we” in the philosophical domain, is rooted in the French educational system, and so is deracinated, inevitably, by its movement out of France into the Anglo-Atlantic world. After seeking to account for the implications of this uprooting, Demers shows convincingly how the later Derrida moved (somewhat) away from the political evasiveness of his earlier writings. Taking Derrida’s “The Ends of Man” as his focus, Demers understands the essay as an attempt to translate the intellectual and practical work being done on the academic and political margins of the university into a properly philosophical position (“deconstruction”) with regard to the logic of margins and centers extending beyond the university. At this point Demers makes two criticisms of Derrida. 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书评:《法国理论的美国政治:德里达、德勒兹、瓜塔里和福柯的翻译》,作者:杰森·德默斯。法国理论的美国政治:德里达、德勒兹、瓜塔里和福柯的翻译。多伦多大学出版社,2019年。218页。这本最受欢迎的书在研究法国思想家德勒兹(Gilles Deleuze)、瓜塔里(f lix Guattari)、德里达(Jacques Derrida)和福柯(Michel Foucault)的作品时,避开了“后结构主义”或“法国理论”等有问题的术语,一开始就走对了路。这些术语严格意义上来源于盎格鲁-大西洋,这是一种方便但误导人的封装方式,方便了它们进入盎格鲁-大西洋世界的旅程或翻译。相反,德默斯更倾向于把这种传递看作是“人、群体、地点、思想和时刻”之间的传递的集合(3),以及代码;元语言;象征资本的市场,这个概念来源于皮埃尔·布迪厄;以及“感觉网络”(network of feeling, 5n),这是作者从雷蒙德·威廉姆斯(Raymond Williams)那里借用的一个术语。例如,德默斯观察到,在巴黎和哥伦比亚大学之间有一种传递或“相互暗示”(5),发生在1968年5月事件之后,这让人想起了更早的回路,也导致了巴黎,其中涉及20世纪60年代中期的伯克利言论自由运动。通过使用“后结构主义”或“法国理论”等术语来接近德勒兹、瓜塔里、德里达和福柯的工作,将他们从构成他们的工作对美国知识分子和政治环境的复杂和高度流动转换的关键继电器和电路中切断,反之亦然,很明显,德默斯的观点,非常正确,政治和知识分子是不可分割地联系在一起的。德默斯承认,他在这里受惠于简·贝内特的《活力物质》、曼努埃尔·德兰达的《组合理论与社会新哲学》和布鲁诺·拉图尔的《社会重组:行动者网络理论概论》中阐述的组合理论版本。德勒兹和瓜塔里在集合/合奏方面所做的具有催化意义的工作,为德默斯的这些文本提供了支撑。法国和英美世界之间这些传播过程的监督背景是68年的全球五月。德默斯的第一章涉及德里达以及翻译和边缘的概念,以描绘和分析“校园与社区之间的连续关系”(12)。德默斯在这里掌握的困难是,德里达关于哲学地位的工作,已经以哲学领域中没有“我们”的定义概念为前提,植根于法国的教育体系,因此,不可避免地,由于它从法国转移到英大西洋世界而被剥夺了。在试图解释这种连根拔起的含义之后,德默斯令人信服地展示了后来的德里达如何(在某种程度上)摆脱了他早期作品中的政治回避。德默斯以德里达的《人的目的》为重点,将这篇文章理解为一种尝试,将在大学学术和政治边缘所做的智力和实践工作转化为一种适当的哲学立场(“解构”),即关于延伸到大学之外的边缘和中心的逻辑。在这一点上,德默斯对德里达提出了两个批评。首先,尽管德里达的哲学以未来不断扩张的民主为中心,但边缘的丰富性和复杂性——在那里创造的破坏既定中心的资源——在他的反思中几乎没有地位。德里达迎合了马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.)和纳尔逊·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)等标志性人物,他们是德里达思想的强大密码,但仅此而已。这源于与德里达的解构主义立场相关的第二个问题,即,除了对那些处于边缘的人进行理论行动外,尽管与一个被解构和流离失所的中心在无休止的暂停中举行有关,它也使德里达的他者处于一种削弱不确定性的情况下——德里达的差异和 venir的无限延迟声称是救赎的,但最终是无能为力的。德里达的末世论总是胜过他的政治。事实上,在他的理论和实践的“空间”中,德里达的猫似乎与曼德拉有着同样的话语地位。德默斯,我怀疑他可能会同意…
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The American Politics of French Theory: Derrida, Deleuze, Guattari, and Foucault in Translation by Jason Demers (review)
Reviewed by: The American Politics of French Theory: Derrida, Deleuze, Guattari, and Foucault in Translation by Jason Demers Kenneth Surin Demers, Jason. The American Politics of French Theory: Derrida, Deleuze, Guattari, and Foucault in Translation. University of Toronto Press, 2019. 218pp. This most welcome book gets off on the right foot by eschewing such problematic terms as “post-structuralism” or “French theory” in studying the work of French thinkers Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, Jacques Derrida, and Michel Foucault. These terms are of a strictly Anglo-Atlantic provenance, a convenient but misleading encapsulation that facilitated their journey or translation into the Anglo-Atlantic world. Instead, Demers prefers to view this transmission as an ensemble of relays between “people, groups, places, ideas, and moments in time” (3), as well as codes; metalanguages; markets for symbolic capital, a notion derived from Pierre Bourdieu; and “networks of feeling” (5n), a term the author borrowed from Raymond Williams. Demers observes, for example, that there was a relay or “mutual implication” (5) between Paris and Columbia University, which occurred in the aftermath of the events of May ’68, that recalled a somewhat earlier circuit, also leading to Paris, which involved the mid-1960s Berkeley free speech movement. To approach the work of Deleuze and Guattari, Derrida, and Foucault by resorting to terms such as “post-structuralism” or “French theory” severs them from the crucial relays and circuits constituting the complex and highly mobile transpositions of their work to an American intellectual and political milieu, and vice versa, and it is clear that Demers views, quite rightly, that the political and the intellectual are inextricably bound up with each other. Demers acknowledges his debt here to the versions of assemblage theory formulated in Jane Bennett’s Vibrant Matter, Manuel DeLanda’s Assemblage Theory and A New Philosophy of Society, and Bruno Latour’s Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Buttressing these texts for Demers is the work of catalytic significance undertaken by Deleuze and Guattari on assemblages/ensembles. The supervening context for these processes of transmission between France and the Anglo-American world is the global May ’68. Demers’s first chapter deals with Derrida and the notions of translation and margins in order to delineate and analyze the “contiguous [End Page 127] relationship between campus and community” (12). The difficulty Demers grasps here is that Derrida’s work on the place of philosophy, already premised on the defining notion that there is no “we” in the philosophical domain, is rooted in the French educational system, and so is deracinated, inevitably, by its movement out of France into the Anglo-Atlantic world. After seeking to account for the implications of this uprooting, Demers shows convincingly how the later Derrida moved (somewhat) away from the political evasiveness of his earlier writings. Taking Derrida’s “The Ends of Man” as his focus, Demers understands the essay as an attempt to translate the intellectual and practical work being done on the academic and political margins of the university into a properly philosophical position (“deconstruction”) with regard to the logic of margins and centers extending beyond the university. At this point Demers makes two criticisms of Derrida. First, while Derrida’s philosophy pivots on an ever-expanding democracy-to-come, the richness and intricacies of the margins – the very resources created there to disrupt the established centers – have little place in his reflections. Derrida caters to iconic figures such as Martin Luther King, Jr. and Nelson Mandela, who serve as powerful cryptograms for his thinking, but hardly more than that. This stems from a second problem associated with Derrida’s deconstructive positions, namely, that apart from making theoretical moves acclamatory of those positioned on the margins, albeit in relation to a deconstructed and displaced center held in an endless abeyance, it also leaves the Derridean Other in a situation of debilitating indeterminacy – the infinite deferral of Derrida’s différance and the à venir purports to be redemptive, but is ultimately incapacitating. Derrida’s eschatology always trumps his politics. In fact, in his theoretical and practical “spaces,” Derrida’s cat seems to have the same discursive status as Mandela. Demers, and I suspect he may agree with...
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期刊介绍: SubStance has a long-standing reputation for publishing innovative work on literature and culture. While its main focus has been on French literature and continental theory, the journal is known for its openness to original thinking in all the discourses that interact with literature, including philosophy, natural and social sciences, and the arts. Join the discerning readers of SubStance who enjoy crossing borders and challenging limits.
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