杰出的白人,坏犹太人:种族主体性,反犹太复国主义和犹太新左派

IF 0.2 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1353/sho.2023.a911218
Benjamin Balthaser
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要:人们通常认为,1967年的阿以战争导致了“犹太人大规模转向犹太复国主义”,这是诺曼·波德霍雷茨(Norman Podhoretz)的名言。这种“转变”同样被认为与犹太人在美国和西方更广泛的边缘化时代的结束相吻合,尽管通常不那么明确,因为欧洲血统的犹太人一半被包括在内,一半被征召,进入了白人、阶级提升和公民身份的规范结构。虽然犹太人种族形成和政治忠诚的这种划时代的转变是不可否认的,特别是在大型犹太世俗和宗教机构的背景下,但当时这种“转变”被认为是不可避免的。许多犹太自由主义者,包括欧文·豪、西摩·利普塞特和内森·格雷泽,以及梅厄·卡哈内等反动派,都认为犹太人在新左派组织(如民主社会学生组织、青年国际党和社会主义工人党)中的过多代表和过度关注是犹太青年拒绝犹太复国主义和犹太人崛起为中产阶级的标志。回顾过去,我们将1967年之后的犹太种族形成和政治结盟视为既成事实,往往不仅依赖于对新左派中大量犹太人参与的抹去,还依赖于对新左派反帝国主义政治承诺的抹去,包括对扩张的以色列军国主义和犹太复国主义背后的定居者殖民假设的批评。通过查阅回忆录、小册子、历史和对新左派犹太参与者的原始采访,本文挖掘了犹太新左派活动家的政治联盟,探讨了对美国的反对对以色列国家的新支持,以及不断变化的德系犹太人种族分配。而不是发现第三世界和黑人力量对以色列的批评是反犹的,恰恰是犹太新左派的国际和多种族团结的政治鼓励了他们支持黑人力量对犹太复国主义的批评。通过这种方式,新左派的犹太成员也试图批判性地挑战他们自己的白人身份,将1967年后对以色列的支持与对国内军国主义和资本主义的种族和经济结构的支持结合起来。
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Exceptional Whites, Bad Jews: Racial Subjectivity, Anti-Zionism, and the Jewish New Left
Abstract: It is often assumed that the 1967 Arab-Israeli War led to the "wholesale conversion of the Jews to Zionism," as Norman Podhoretz famously phrased it. This "conversion" is equally, if often less explicitly, said to coincide with the end of the era of Jewish marginality in the U.S. and West more broadly, as Jews of European descent were half-included, half-conscripted, into normative structures of whiteness, class ascension, and citizenship. While this epochal shift in Jewish racial formation and political allegiance is undeniable especially in the context of large Jewish secular and religious institutions, at the time this "conversion" was seen as anything but inevitable. Many Jewish liberals, including Irving Howe, Seymour Lipset, and Nathan Glazer, and reactionaries such as Meir Kahane, saw Jewish overrepresentation and hypervisibility in New Left organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society, the Youth International Party, and the Socialist Workers Party as a sign that Jewish youth rejected Zionism as well as the Jewish rise into the middle class. That retrospectively we see Jewish racial formation and political alignment after 1967 as a fait accompli often relies on the erasure not only of mass Jewish participation in the New Left, but also the erasure of the New Left's anti-imperialist political commitments, including critique of expansive Israeli militarism and the settler colonial assumptions underlying Zionism. Looking at memoirs, pamphlets, histories, and original interviews with Jewish participants in the New Left, this article excavates the political alignments of Jewish New Left activists, exploring opposition to the U.S.'s new support of the Israeli state as well as the changing Ashkenazi Jewish racial assignment. Rather than finding Third World and Black Power critiques of Israel antisemitic, it was precisely the Jewish New Left's politics of international and multiracial solidarity that encouraged their support for Black Power critiques of Zionism. In this way, Jewish members of the New Left also attempted to critically challenge their own whiteness, aligning support for Israel after 1967 with support for the racial and economic structures of militarism and capitalism at home.
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