反动的、机器人的反乌托邦:弗朗西斯科·拉雷斯戈伊蒂的《2033》中的机器人压迫和右翼生命政治

IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY THEORY & CRITICISM CONFLUENCIA-REVISTA HISPANICA DE CULTURA Y LITERATURA Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI:10.1353/cnf.2023.a911275
David Dalton
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Though never directly explained, the drugs seem to have altered the men's perception in some way, causing them to see people of faith as animals meant for slaughter. Indeed, this near-future dystopia imagines a conflict based on the first Cristero War but set in the twenty-first-century (1926-1929).1 Throughout the film, the military government uses different technologies to exploit its population and rid itself of religious people and customs. Nevertheless, an underground resistance challenges the dictatorship's legitimacy by using key technologies of domination in subversive ways that challenge antireligious and official narratives. In this way, the film represents a type of right-wing science-fiction dystopia that builds on the tropes of the genre to cast progressive and secularist ideals as threats to humanity. Indeed, the movie engages in a problematic, against-the-grain dialogue with Giorgio Agamben, who asserts that modern states divide their populations into two categories of life: bios and zoē (Homo Sacer 1-5). These words denote very different types of existence: bios refers to the fully human, Aristotelean good life that entails political autonomy. Zoē, a term that forms the root of zoology, refers to those whose lives exist outside the political sphere (Homo Sacer 80-83). Under normal circumstances, the zoē can live decent lives, though their lack of access to citizenship precludes them from advocating for their own interests. Nevertheless, during states of exception —a \"no-man's land between public law and political fact, and between the juridical order and life\" (Agamben, State 1)— the state interpellates the zoē into homo sacer status. For Agamben, homines sacri (the plural of homo sacer) are subjects who live beyond the protection of the law. 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What is most interesting about this theorization is not that technology can oppress people from peripheral communities but that, similar to Donna Haraway's cyborg, robo-sacer actors from marginalized communities can subversively use technologies meant for domination toward liberatory ends (Haraway 151; see also Sandoval 158-77). Laresgoiti's film proves especially problematic from this perspective because it consciously adapts the methodologies of liberation —which have originated from progressive scholarship— to a reactionary context.2 In so doing, he sheds light on theorizations of robo-sacer resistance while simultaneously undermining the egalitarian drive that this theoretical tradition purportedly promotes. The film thus poses significant questions for scholars of Latin American science fiction as it provides a clear example of how our theorizations can be used toward ends that we have likely not considered or intended. Few elements better embody the film's problematic, even fanciful, biopolitics than the military regime's systematic extermination of religious people. 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Nevertheless, an underground resistance challenges the dictatorship's legitimacy by using key technologies of domination in subversive ways that challenge antireligious and official narratives. In this way, the film represents a type of right-wing science-fiction dystopia that builds on the tropes of the genre to cast progressive and secularist ideals as threats to humanity. Indeed, the movie engages in a problematic, against-the-grain dialogue with Giorgio Agamben, who asserts that modern states divide their populations into two categories of life: bios and zoē (Homo Sacer 1-5). These words denote very different types of existence: bios refers to the fully human, Aristotelean good life that entails political autonomy. Zoē, a term that forms the root of zoology, refers to those whose lives exist outside the political sphere (Homo Sacer 80-83). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在弗朗西斯科·拉雷斯戈伊蒂的故事片《2033》(2009)中,主角巴勃罗(克劳迪奥·拉法加饰)和他的朋友米洛(路易斯·埃内斯托·佛朗哥饰)以及同事一起登上直升机去打猎,这是一个典型的场景。当巴勃罗和米洛服用含有一种名为Tecpanol的新药的眼药水时,拉莱斯戈伊蒂在直升机上的人和他们追捕的几只大型动物之间穿行,包括羊和马。当Milo瞄准马并准备开火时,Laresgoiti将画面切换回逃跑的动物,并揭示了游戏实际上是一群穿着20世纪早期Cristeros服装的恐惧人类。虽然没有直接解释,但这些药物似乎在某种程度上改变了这些人的看法,使他们把有信仰的人看作是要宰杀的动物。事实上,这部近未来的反乌托邦小说想象了一场以第一次克里斯特罗战争为基础的冲突,但背景设定在21世纪(1926-1929)在整部电影中,军政府使用不同的技术来剥削其人口,并摆脱宗教人士和习俗。然而,地下抵抗组织以颠覆性的方式使用关键的统治技术,挑战反宗教和官方叙事,挑战独裁政权的合法性。这样,这部电影代表了一种右翼的科幻反乌托邦,它建立在这种类型的隐喻上,把进步和世俗主义的理想塑造成对人类的威胁。事实上,这部电影与乔治·阿甘本(Giorgio Agamben)进行了一场有问题的、反常理的对话,阿甘本断言,现代国家将其人口分为两类:生物和动物(Homo Sacer 1-5)。这些词表示非常不同类型的存在:bios指的是完全人类的,亚里士多德式的美好生活,需要政治自治。zoyi,一个构成了动物学基础的术语,指的是那些生活在政治领域之外的人(Homo Sacer 80-83)。在正常情况下,佐格人可以过着体面的生活,尽管他们无法获得公民身份,无法为自己的利益辩护。然而,在例外状态中——“公法与政治事实之间、司法秩序与生活之间的无人区”(Agamben, State 1)——国家将“zoi”解释为“人属”(homo sacer)状态。对阿甘本来说,sacri (homo sacer的复数形式)是生活在法律保护之外的臣民。因此,他们,就像2033年非人性化的基督徒一样,“可能被杀害,但不会牺牲”,甚至被谋杀,因为社会对他们“赤裸裸的生命”甚至他们的死亡没有任何价值(Agamben, Homo 12)。在整部影片中,军事政权通过剥夺宗教人士的技术特权,确保他们过着赤裸的生活,这一事实进一步证实了将他们审问为可杀之人的努力。然而,与一系列赛博朋克文学中的英雄一样,这部电影中被压迫的主角们经常通过黑客攻击和其他颠覆性行为来获取技术。在这样做的过程中,他们参与了我之前理论化的机器人性抵抗。正如我所争论的,机器人机器人是“乔治·阿甘本(Giorgio Agamben)的机器人机器人”(《机器人6》)。这一理论最有趣的地方不是技术可以压迫来自边缘社区的人,而是,与唐娜·哈拉威(Donna Haraway)的机器人机器人一样,来自边缘社区的机器人机器人机器人演员可以颠覆性地使用旨在实现解放目的的统治技术(哈拉威151;另见Sandoval(158-77)。从这个角度来看,拉雷斯戈伊蒂的电影尤其有问题,因为它有意识地将解放的方法——起源于进步的学术——运用到反动的语境中在这样做的过程中,他阐明了机器人抵抗的理论,同时也破坏了这一理论传统据称所提倡的平等主义动力。因此,这部电影为研究拉丁美洲科幻小说的学者们提出了重要的问题,因为它提供了一个清晰的例子,说明我们的理论如何被用于我们可能没有考虑或打算达到的目的。没有什么元素比军事政权对宗教人士的系统性灭绝更能体现影片中有问题的、甚至是幻想的生命政治了。这样做的危险……
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Reactionary, Robo-Sacer Dystopias: Cyborg Oppression and Right-Wing Biopolitics in Francisco Laresgoiti's 2033
Reactionary, Robo-Sacer Dystopias:Cyborg Oppression and Right-Wing Biopolitics in Francisco Laresgoiti's 2033 David Dalton A paradigmatic scene in Francisco Laresgoiti's feature film 2033 (2009) occurs when the protagonist, Pablo (Claudio Lafarga) boards a helicopter with his friend, Milo (Luis Ernesto Franco), and a coworker to hunt. As Pablo and Milo take eyedrops laced with a new drug called Tecpanol, Laresgoiti crosscuts between the men on the helicopter and several large animals, including sheep and horses, which they pursue. When Milo aims at the horse and prepares to fire, Laresgoiti cuts back to the fleeing animal and reveals the game to actually be terrified human beings dressed in clothing that evokes the dress of the early twentieth-century Cristeros (Meyer 53). Though never directly explained, the drugs seem to have altered the men's perception in some way, causing them to see people of faith as animals meant for slaughter. Indeed, this near-future dystopia imagines a conflict based on the first Cristero War but set in the twenty-first-century (1926-1929).1 Throughout the film, the military government uses different technologies to exploit its population and rid itself of religious people and customs. Nevertheless, an underground resistance challenges the dictatorship's legitimacy by using key technologies of domination in subversive ways that challenge antireligious and official narratives. In this way, the film represents a type of right-wing science-fiction dystopia that builds on the tropes of the genre to cast progressive and secularist ideals as threats to humanity. Indeed, the movie engages in a problematic, against-the-grain dialogue with Giorgio Agamben, who asserts that modern states divide their populations into two categories of life: bios and zoē (Homo Sacer 1-5). These words denote very different types of existence: bios refers to the fully human, Aristotelean good life that entails political autonomy. Zoē, a term that forms the root of zoology, refers to those whose lives exist outside the political sphere (Homo Sacer 80-83). Under normal circumstances, the zoē can live decent lives, though their lack of access to citizenship precludes them from advocating for their own interests. Nevertheless, during states of exception —a "no-man's land between public law and political fact, and between the juridical order and life" (Agamben, State 1)— the state interpellates the zoē into homo sacer status. For Agamben, homines sacri (the plural of homo sacer) are subjects who live beyond the protection of the law. As such, they, like the [End Page 91] dehumanized Christians in 2033, "may be killed and yet not sacrificed," or even murdered, because society extends no value to their "bare lives" or even to their deaths (Agamben, Homo 12). Throughout the film, the military regime ensures that religious people lead a bare existence by withholding technological privilege from them, a fact that further validates efforts to interpellate them as killable. Nevertheless, similar to the heroes of an array of cyberpunk literature, the film's oppressed protagonists frequently access technology through hacking and other subversive acts. In so doing, they engage in what I have previously theorized as robo-sacer resistance. As I have argued, the robo sacer is "a cyborg articulation of Giorgio Agamben's homo sacer" (Robo 6). What is most interesting about this theorization is not that technology can oppress people from peripheral communities but that, similar to Donna Haraway's cyborg, robo-sacer actors from marginalized communities can subversively use technologies meant for domination toward liberatory ends (Haraway 151; see also Sandoval 158-77). Laresgoiti's film proves especially problematic from this perspective because it consciously adapts the methodologies of liberation —which have originated from progressive scholarship— to a reactionary context.2 In so doing, he sheds light on theorizations of robo-sacer resistance while simultaneously undermining the egalitarian drive that this theoretical tradition purportedly promotes. The film thus poses significant questions for scholars of Latin American science fiction as it provides a clear example of how our theorizations can be used toward ends that we have likely not considered or intended. Few elements better embody the film's problematic, even fanciful, biopolitics than the military regime's systematic extermination of religious people. The danger of this...
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