性和状态都是动作动词

Q4 Social Sciences WSQ Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI:10.1353/wsq.2023.a910085
Claudia Sofía Garriga-López
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Paisley Currah’s experiences as both an advocate for transgender rights and a social theorist guide readers to look at big-picture questions about the social construction of sex in and through governance practices, without losing sight of the immediate material needs of trans people for political reforms. Currah moves through a series of legal cases, administrative rules, and legislation to demonstrate what sex categorizations do across a wide range of government agencies and institutions. In doing so, he demonstrates the plasticity of sex as a tool of governance, as one of many categories used to distribute resources and exert control over populations. Sex classifications and the requirements for sex reclassification are a function of government, even or especially within agencies that purportedly have nothing to do with sex. Currah points out that institutions that surveil, confer benefits, or incarcerate have different sets of interest when it comes to sex designation. He helps us make sense of the contradictory and uneven distribution of sex reclassification policies by pointing out the different work that sex classification does in a driver’s licence, on a marriage certificate, in prison, and so on. Through this narrow yet versatile focus on the regulations surrounding sex reclassification, Currah theorizes state formations. Sex is as sex does, but also, government is as government does. States are not inherently coherent, unified, or rational; they are an amalgamation of practices that often contradict one another. [End Page 255] This book can be thought of as a transfeminist theory of state. Transfeminism offers us a path through which to move beyond the gender essentialism and biological determinism that has plagued feminisms since the sex/gender divide was made a central principle through which to refute women’s subordination. Currah’s state-based political analysis compliments transgender scholarship’s deconstruction of sex as a stable biological category in the fields of medicine and gender studies. Currah sustains that despite their limitations, it is many times necessary to employ talking points about the correct medical and scientific understanding of sex or the need for sex reclassification, even as he proposes that a more just approach would be to do away with sex classification altogether. Currah traces how sex categorization was founded on the institutionalization of patriarchal norms over landownership, education, employment, inheritance, voting rights, and so on. He argues that while liberal feminism has been rightly critiqued for the ways it reinforces racial capitalism, it has also been effective at removing the formal use of sex categorization for access to rights and resources in ways that has made sex reclassification possible for trans people. Similarly, while queer critics of same-sex marriage have rightly pointed out its homonormative effects, Currah notes that the legal prohibition against same-sex marriage was a major obstacle for trans people being able to change their sex designation on official documents, on account of the speculation that same-sex couples would seek out marriage certificates by changing the sex designation of one of the partners. Currah repeatedly reminds his readers that sex classification has historically been used to limit access to rights and resources to far more than just trans people. Currah also intervenes to undo the cisgender/transgender binary in relation to a commonly employed narrative within transgender advocacy about trans people’s increased risk for policing and incarceration. He argues that this emphasis obscures the function of race and class in determining which trans people are at an increased risk of incarceration. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

性和状态是动作动词克劳迪娅Sofía Garriga-López(生物)佩斯利·柯拉的《性即是性:治理跨性别身份》,纽约:纽约大学出版社,2022年面对当下针对跨性别者无情的文化战争立法,《性即是性》是给那些想从政治学角度教授跨性别研究的教育者的一份礼物。这本书很容易理解,写得很清楚,特别适合本科生和学术界以外的人,他们想加深对跨性别政治的理解。Paisley Currah作为跨性别权利的倡导者和社会理论家的经历,引导读者在治理实践中以及通过治理实践来看待性别的社会建构的大问题,同时不忽视跨性别者对政治改革的直接物质需求。Currah通过一系列的法律案例,行政规则和立法来展示性别分类在广泛的政府机构和机构中的作用。在此过程中,他展示了性作为一种管理工具的可塑性,作为用于分配资源和对人口施加控制的众多类别之一。性别分类和性别重新分类的要求是政府的一项职能,甚至或特别是在据称与性别无关的机构内。Currah指出,当涉及到性别认定时,监视、给予福利或监禁的机构有不同的兴趣。他通过指出性别分类在驾照、结婚证、监狱等方面的不同作用,帮助我们理解性别重新分类政策的矛盾和不平衡分布。通过对性别重新分类规则的这种狭隘而多样的关注,Currah将国家形成理论化。性就是性,同样,政府就是政府。国家本身并不是连贯的、统一的或理性的;它们是经常相互矛盾的各种做法的混合体。这本书可以被认为是一部关于国家的跨女性主义理论。跨性别女性主义为我们提供了一条超越性别本质主义和生物决定论的道路,自性别/性别鸿沟成为驳斥女性从属地位的中心原则以来,性别本质主义和生物决定论一直困扰着女权主义。Currah以国家为基础的政治分析赞扬了跨性别学者将性别作为医学和性别研究领域中一个稳定的生物范畴的解构。Currah坚持认为,尽管他们有局限性,但很多时候有必要使用关于正确的医学和科学理解性别或性别重新分类的必要性的谈话要点,即使他提出更公正的方法是完全取消性别分类。Currah追溯了性别分类是如何建立在对土地所有权、教育、就业、继承、投票权等父权规范制度化的基础上的。他认为,虽然自由女权主义因其强化种族资本主义的方式而受到了正确的批评,但它也有效地消除了性别分类在获得权利和资源方面的正式使用,从而使跨性别者的性别重新分类成为可能。同样的,尽管同性婚姻的酷儿批评者正确地指出了它的同性恋效应,但Currah指出,禁止同性婚姻的法律是跨性别者在官方文件上改变性别的主要障碍,因为人们猜测同性伴侣会通过改变其中一方的性别来寻求结婚证书。Currah反复提醒他的读者,性别分类在历史上被用来限制权利和资源的获取,而不仅仅是跨性别者。Currah还介入消除了与跨性别倡导中普遍使用的关于跨性别者被警察和监禁的风险增加的叙述有关的双性恋/跨性别者。他认为,这种强调模糊了种族和阶级在决定哪些跨性别者被监禁的风险增加方面的作用。这里有一个“跨性别者”工作的例子,它将一个大范围的人联系在一起…
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Sex and State Are Action Verbs
Sex and State Are Action Verbs Claudia Sofía Garriga-López (bio) Paisley Currah’s Sex Is as Sex Does: Governing Transgender Identity, New York: New York University Press, 2022 In the face of the present moment’s relentless culture-war legislation against transgender people, Sex Is as Sex Does is a gift to educators who want to teach transgender studies from a political science perspective. This book is accessible and clearly written in a way that makes it especially suitable for undergraduate students as well as people outside of academia who want to deepen their understanding of transgender politics. Paisley Currah’s experiences as both an advocate for transgender rights and a social theorist guide readers to look at big-picture questions about the social construction of sex in and through governance practices, without losing sight of the immediate material needs of trans people for political reforms. Currah moves through a series of legal cases, administrative rules, and legislation to demonstrate what sex categorizations do across a wide range of government agencies and institutions. In doing so, he demonstrates the plasticity of sex as a tool of governance, as one of many categories used to distribute resources and exert control over populations. Sex classifications and the requirements for sex reclassification are a function of government, even or especially within agencies that purportedly have nothing to do with sex. Currah points out that institutions that surveil, confer benefits, or incarcerate have different sets of interest when it comes to sex designation. He helps us make sense of the contradictory and uneven distribution of sex reclassification policies by pointing out the different work that sex classification does in a driver’s licence, on a marriage certificate, in prison, and so on. Through this narrow yet versatile focus on the regulations surrounding sex reclassification, Currah theorizes state formations. Sex is as sex does, but also, government is as government does. States are not inherently coherent, unified, or rational; they are an amalgamation of practices that often contradict one another. [End Page 255] This book can be thought of as a transfeminist theory of state. Transfeminism offers us a path through which to move beyond the gender essentialism and biological determinism that has plagued feminisms since the sex/gender divide was made a central principle through which to refute women’s subordination. Currah’s state-based political analysis compliments transgender scholarship’s deconstruction of sex as a stable biological category in the fields of medicine and gender studies. Currah sustains that despite their limitations, it is many times necessary to employ talking points about the correct medical and scientific understanding of sex or the need for sex reclassification, even as he proposes that a more just approach would be to do away with sex classification altogether. Currah traces how sex categorization was founded on the institutionalization of patriarchal norms over landownership, education, employment, inheritance, voting rights, and so on. He argues that while liberal feminism has been rightly critiqued for the ways it reinforces racial capitalism, it has also been effective at removing the formal use of sex categorization for access to rights and resources in ways that has made sex reclassification possible for trans people. Similarly, while queer critics of same-sex marriage have rightly pointed out its homonormative effects, Currah notes that the legal prohibition against same-sex marriage was a major obstacle for trans people being able to change their sex designation on official documents, on account of the speculation that same-sex couples would seek out marriage certificates by changing the sex designation of one of the partners. Currah repeatedly reminds his readers that sex classification has historically been used to limit access to rights and resources to far more than just trans people. Currah also intervenes to undo the cisgender/transgender binary in relation to a commonly employed narrative within transgender advocacy about trans people’s increased risk for policing and incarceration. He argues that this emphasis obscures the function of race and class in determining which trans people are at an increased risk of incarceration. Herein lies an example of the work “transgender” does to link together under one umbrella category a wide range of people...
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