{"title":"Ṣād的法非阿拉伯语[St]反射:原始闪米特语还是基质?*","authors":"Davis S, Alfaifi A.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab031","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>This paper argues against the view that the unusual reflex of <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ṣād</span> as [st] in Faifi Arabic stems from a metathesized version of the Proto-Semitic glottalized affricate * <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">cʾ</span>([tsʾ]), as in Alfaifi and Behnstedt (2010: 53–4), where [st] is assumed to pattern as monosegmental. Instead we propose that the [st] reflex of <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ṣād</span> in Faifi Arabic reflects a South Arabian ejective or glottalized fricative <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">*sʾ</span> as a substrate feature. We first argue that Faifi Arabic [st] patterns as bisegmental based on linguistic argumentation internal to the dialect. We then discuss <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">*s’</span>as a feature of South Arabian varieties that can be considered as part of the Faifi substrate. We then detail how it is phonetically plausible for ejective <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">sʾ</span> to ‘break’ into a sequence of a fricative followed by a stop, such as [st], accounting for its bisegmental patterning and its realization as pharyngealized [ṣ] where [st] is phonotactically impossible.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Faifi Arabic [St] Reflex of Ṣād: Proto-Semitic or Substrate?*\",\"authors\":\"Davis S, Alfaifi A.\",\"doi\":\"10.1093/jss/fgab031\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<span><div>Abstract</div>This paper argues against the view that the unusual reflex of <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">ṣād</span> as [st] in Faifi Arabic stems from a metathesized version of the Proto-Semitic glottalized affricate * <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">cʾ</span>([tsʾ]), as in Alfaifi and Behnstedt (2010: 53–4), where [st] is assumed to pattern as monosegmental. Instead we propose that the [st] reflex of <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">ṣād</span> in Faifi Arabic reflects a South Arabian ejective or glottalized fricative <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">*sʾ</span> as a substrate feature. We first argue that Faifi Arabic [st] patterns as bisegmental based on linguistic argumentation internal to the dialect. We then discuss <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">*s’</span>as a feature of South Arabian varieties that can be considered as part of the Faifi substrate. We then detail how it is phonetically plausible for ejective <span style=\\\"font-style:italic;\\\">sʾ</span> to ‘break’ into a sequence of a fricative followed by a stop, such as [st], accounting for its bisegmental patterning and its realization as pharyngealized [ṣ] where [st] is phonotactically impossible.</span>\",\"PeriodicalId\":17130,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Semitic Studies\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-02-24\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Semitic Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab031\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"ASIAN STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Semitic Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab031","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ASIAN STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文反对这样一种观点,即在Faifi阿拉伯语中,ṣād as [st]的不寻常反射源于原始闪米特语的glottalized闪音* c æ h ([ts æ h])的元合成版本,如Alfaifi和Behnstedt(2010: 53-4),其中[st]被认为是单段的。相反,我们认为Faifi阿拉伯语中ṣād的[st]反射反映了南阿拉伯语的喷出或全球化摩擦音*s -作为基底特征。我们首先认为,法非阿拉伯语[st]模式是基于方言内部的语言论证的半分段模式。然后我们讨论*s '作为南阿拉伯品种的一个特征,可以被认为是Faifi基质的一部分。然后,我们详细介绍了引射词s - h如何在语音上似是而非地“打断”成一个紧跟着顿音的摩擦音序列,例如[st],这说明了它的半段模式以及它作为咽音化的[k]的实现,而[st]在语音上是不可能的。
The Faifi Arabic [St] Reflex of Ṣād: Proto-Semitic or Substrate?*
Abstract
This paper argues against the view that the unusual reflex of ṣād as [st] in Faifi Arabic stems from a metathesized version of the Proto-Semitic glottalized affricate * cʾ([tsʾ]), as in Alfaifi and Behnstedt (2010: 53–4), where [st] is assumed to pattern as monosegmental. Instead we propose that the [st] reflex of ṣād in Faifi Arabic reflects a South Arabian ejective or glottalized fricative *sʾ as a substrate feature. We first argue that Faifi Arabic [st] patterns as bisegmental based on linguistic argumentation internal to the dialect. We then discuss *s’as a feature of South Arabian varieties that can be considered as part of the Faifi substrate. We then detail how it is phonetically plausible for ejective sʾ to ‘break’ into a sequence of a fricative followed by a stop, such as [st], accounting for its bisegmental patterning and its realization as pharyngealized [ṣ] where [st] is phonotactically impossible.
期刊介绍:
The Journal of Semitic Studies was established in 1955 and since then has built up a reputation as one of the leading international academic journals in its field. Semitic Studies has always been understood by the editors to include the modern as well as the ancient Near (Middle) East, with special emphasis on research into the languages and literatures of the area. The editors continue to maintain the policy of ensuring that each volume contains items of interest to Orientalists and Biblical Scholars. Extensive reviews of selected books, as well as general review notices, remain a feature of the Journal.