Ni Kinidi/制作书籍:19 世纪 30 年代西非帕尔马斯角的文本流动性

IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Book History Pub Date : 2024-06-14 DOI:10.1353/bh.2024.a929573
Marie Stango
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Wilson, a white missionary from South Carolina sent to West Africa on behalf of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), arrived at the Monrovia offices of the <em>Liberia Herald</em>, the first newspaper established in the American settlements comprised of freeborn and formerly enslaved Black Americans that came to be known as \"Liberia.\" There, Wilson commissioned the <em>Herald</em>'s printer, James C. Minor, to produce a primer in the Grebo language, a West African language spoken in the vicinity of Cape Palmas. Encouraged by news that a few Black American children in Liberia had been able to learn multiple West African languages, Wilson had been at work creating a written form of Grebo, using Roman letters, since his early days in Cape Palmas.<sup>1</sup> Wilson, like many Anglo-American Protestant missionaries of his generation, was intrigued by the languages spoken by the individuals around him. After initially hoping to teach Grebo-speakers English, Wilson eventually concluded that it would work better to teach his pupils to read religious texts in their own language—a language Wilson had to codify first.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>Like many Protestant missionaries of the early nineteenth century, the ABCFM missionaries in Cape Palmas hoped to offer the Word to would-be converts in the vernacular.<sup>3</sup> Embedded in the ABCFM's mission was the fervent wish that their work could bring the trappings of Western-style civilization—including education, literacy, and printed texts—to peoples they viewed as less civilized. Both the Fair Hope missionaries and the Black American settlers in Cape Palmas viewed the Grebos as unsophisticated and illiterate people. In his attempts to create a written Grebo language and <strong>[End Page 51]</strong> print books in it, Wilson assumed that they had no knowledge of written languages nor of print. While indeed the ABCFM did eventually finance the transportation of the first printing press to Cape Palmas, the Grebos that Wilson met in Cape Palmas were not newcomers to the concepts of written texts.</p> <p>This article explores how the meanings of print were complicated in Cape Palmas. While Wilson and the Fair Hope missionaries believed that they were bringing a new technology to the Grebo, Wilson's own observations reveal a more tangled story. As coastal people with centuries of trading relations with Europeans before the arrival of the Americans in Cape Palmas, Grebos brought prior understandings of both manuscript and print writing to bear on their interactions with the missionaries. Wilson disparagingly observed that Grebos only had one word to describe both manuscript and print: <em>ni kinidi</em>. He determined that the term meant \"to make a book.\"<sup>4</sup> What Wilson missed, or refused to see, was that the Grebos he spoke with understood \"books\" in two ways. While \"book\" was used to refer to the physical object of the printed text, \"book\" also referred to a written agreement signed between Grebos and Europeans or Americans. As Meredith McGill has explained, attention to format might help us understand the \"signifying capacities of different aspects of books.\"<sup>5</sup> Similarly, in her work on the mobility of Paul Bunyan's <em>The Pilgrim's Progress</em>, Isabel Hofmeyr explains that examining the book \"as a material object\" offers one way to examine mission-produced translations.<sup>6</sup> In a complex society such as the one that emerged in Cape Palmas in the 1830s, format took on expansive meanings for the audience envisioned in the production of the Grebo texts. I maintain that the second Grebo definition of \"book\"—as a written agreement—also inflected the printed matter that came off the Fair Hope press. In this sense, the book-as-object, regardless of actual content, stood in for a tacit understanding that, by giving someone a book, the missionaries were establishing a relationship with the recipient. Instead of revealing unfamiliarity with printing, as Wilson argued, the dual meaning of <em>ni kinidi...</em></p> </p>","PeriodicalId":43753,"journal":{"name":"Book History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Ni Kinidi/Making Book: Textual Mobility in 1830s Cape Palmas, West Africa\",\"authors\":\"Marie Stango\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/bh.2024.a929573\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\\n<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Ni Kinidi/Making Book:<span>Textual Mobility in 1830s Cape Palmas, West Africa</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Marie Stango (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In December 1835, John Leighton Wilson carried a stack of writing paper some 800 kilometers up the coast of West Africa, from his Cape Palmas mission station called \\\"Fair Hope\\\" to Cape Mesurado, where the largest settlement in Liberia, called Monrovia, was located. Wilson, a white missionary from South Carolina sent to West Africa on behalf of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), arrived at the Monrovia offices of the <em>Liberia Herald</em>, the first newspaper established in the American settlements comprised of freeborn and formerly enslaved Black Americans that came to be known as \\\"Liberia.\\\" There, Wilson commissioned the <em>Herald</em>'s printer, James C. Minor, to produce a primer in the Grebo language, a West African language spoken in the vicinity of Cape Palmas. Encouraged by news that a few Black American children in Liberia had been able to learn multiple West African languages, Wilson had been at work creating a written form of Grebo, using Roman letters, since his early days in Cape Palmas.<sup>1</sup> Wilson, like many Anglo-American Protestant missionaries of his generation, was intrigued by the languages spoken by the individuals around him. 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摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: Ni Kinidi/制作书籍:19 世纪 30 年代西非帕尔马斯角的文字流动 玛丽-斯坦戈(简历 1835 年 12 月,约翰-莱顿-威尔逊(John Leighton Wilson)带着一叠书写用纸,沿着西非海岸前行约 800 公里,从名为 "公平希望 "的帕尔马斯角传教站前往梅苏拉多角,那里是利比里亚最大的定居点蒙罗维亚。威尔逊是一名来自南卡罗来纳州的白人传教士,代表美国对外传教委员会(ABCFM)被派往西非,他抵达蒙罗维亚《利比里亚先驱报》的办事处,这是第一份在由自由出生和曾被奴役的美国黑人组成的美国定居点(后来被称为 "利比里亚")创办的报纸。在那里,威尔逊委托《先驱报》的印刷商詹姆斯-C-米诺(James C. Minor)用格雷波语(一种在帕尔马斯角附近使用的西非语言)编写一本入门读物。有消息称,利比里亚的一些美国黑人儿童已经能够学习多种西非语言,威尔逊深受鼓舞,从早年在帕尔马斯角时起,他就一直在用罗马字母编写格雷波语的书面形式1 。威尔逊最初希望教讲希腊语的人学习英语,但最终认为教学生用他们自己的语言阅读宗教经文效果会更好--威尔逊必须首先编纂他们的语言。3 美国基督教家庭运动传教士的使命中蕴含着一个热切的愿望,即他们的工作能够将西式文明的外衣--包括教育、扫盲和印刷文本--带给他们认为文明程度较低的民族。公平希望传教士和帕尔马斯角的美国黑人定居者都认为格雷博斯人是不谙世事的文盲。威尔逊在试图创造一种格雷波书面语言并用它印刷书籍时,认为他们既不懂书面语言,也不懂印刷术。事实上,ABCFM 最终确实出资将第一台印刷机运到了帕尔马斯角,但威尔逊在帕尔马斯角遇到的格雷博人对书面文字的概念并不陌生。本文探讨了印刷品的含义在帕尔马斯角是如何变得复杂的。威尔逊和 "公平希望 "传教士认为他们给格雷波人带来了一种新技术,但威尔逊自己的观察却揭示了一个更加复杂的故事。作为在美国人到达帕尔马斯角之前就与欧洲人有数百年贸易关系的沿海居民,格雷波人在与传教士的互动中,对手稿和印刷文字都有了先前的理解。威尔逊不屑一顾地指出,格雷博斯人只有一个词来形容手稿和印刷品:ni kinidi。威尔逊忽略或拒绝看到的是,与他交谈过的格雷博人对 "书 "有两种理解。虽然 "书 "被用来指印刷文本的实物,但 "书 "也指格雷博人与欧洲人或美国人之间签署的书面协议。5 同样,伊莎贝尔-霍夫迈尔(Isabel Hofmeyr)在研究保罗-班扬(Paul Bunyan)的《朝圣者的进步》(The Pilgrim's Progress)的流动性时解释说,将书 "作为物质对象 "进行研究,是研究传教士制作的译本的一种方法。我认为,格雷波语对 "书 "的第二个定义--书面协议--也影响了费尔霍普印刷厂的印刷品。从这个意义上说,书籍作为物品,无论实际内容如何,都代表了一种默契,即传教士通过赠送书籍,与受赠者建立了一种关系。ni kinidi "的双重含义并不像威尔逊所说的那样,是对印刷术的不熟悉。
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Ni Kinidi/Making Book: Textual Mobility in 1830s Cape Palmas, West Africa
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Ni Kinidi/Making Book:Textual Mobility in 1830s Cape Palmas, West Africa
  • Marie Stango (bio)

In December 1835, John Leighton Wilson carried a stack of writing paper some 800 kilometers up the coast of West Africa, from his Cape Palmas mission station called "Fair Hope" to Cape Mesurado, where the largest settlement in Liberia, called Monrovia, was located. Wilson, a white missionary from South Carolina sent to West Africa on behalf of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), arrived at the Monrovia offices of the Liberia Herald, the first newspaper established in the American settlements comprised of freeborn and formerly enslaved Black Americans that came to be known as "Liberia." There, Wilson commissioned the Herald's printer, James C. Minor, to produce a primer in the Grebo language, a West African language spoken in the vicinity of Cape Palmas. Encouraged by news that a few Black American children in Liberia had been able to learn multiple West African languages, Wilson had been at work creating a written form of Grebo, using Roman letters, since his early days in Cape Palmas.1 Wilson, like many Anglo-American Protestant missionaries of his generation, was intrigued by the languages spoken by the individuals around him. After initially hoping to teach Grebo-speakers English, Wilson eventually concluded that it would work better to teach his pupils to read religious texts in their own language—a language Wilson had to codify first.2

Like many Protestant missionaries of the early nineteenth century, the ABCFM missionaries in Cape Palmas hoped to offer the Word to would-be converts in the vernacular.3 Embedded in the ABCFM's mission was the fervent wish that their work could bring the trappings of Western-style civilization—including education, literacy, and printed texts—to peoples they viewed as less civilized. Both the Fair Hope missionaries and the Black American settlers in Cape Palmas viewed the Grebos as unsophisticated and illiterate people. In his attempts to create a written Grebo language and [End Page 51] print books in it, Wilson assumed that they had no knowledge of written languages nor of print. While indeed the ABCFM did eventually finance the transportation of the first printing press to Cape Palmas, the Grebos that Wilson met in Cape Palmas were not newcomers to the concepts of written texts.

This article explores how the meanings of print were complicated in Cape Palmas. While Wilson and the Fair Hope missionaries believed that they were bringing a new technology to the Grebo, Wilson's own observations reveal a more tangled story. As coastal people with centuries of trading relations with Europeans before the arrival of the Americans in Cape Palmas, Grebos brought prior understandings of both manuscript and print writing to bear on their interactions with the missionaries. Wilson disparagingly observed that Grebos only had one word to describe both manuscript and print: ni kinidi. He determined that the term meant "to make a book."4 What Wilson missed, or refused to see, was that the Grebos he spoke with understood "books" in two ways. While "book" was used to refer to the physical object of the printed text, "book" also referred to a written agreement signed between Grebos and Europeans or Americans. As Meredith McGill has explained, attention to format might help us understand the "signifying capacities of different aspects of books."5 Similarly, in her work on the mobility of Paul Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress, Isabel Hofmeyr explains that examining the book "as a material object" offers one way to examine mission-produced translations.6 In a complex society such as the one that emerged in Cape Palmas in the 1830s, format took on expansive meanings for the audience envisioned in the production of the Grebo texts. I maintain that the second Grebo definition of "book"—as a written agreement—also inflected the printed matter that came off the Fair Hope press. In this sense, the book-as-object, regardless of actual content, stood in for a tacit understanding that, by giving someone a book, the missionaries were establishing a relationship with the recipient. Instead of revealing unfamiliarity with printing, as Wilson argued, the dual meaning of ni kinidi...

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Book History HISTORY-
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