毒品威胁是杜特尔特赢得选举的因素

Q3 Social Sciences Philippine Political Science Journal Pub Date : 2020-11-06 DOI:10.1163/2165025x-12340023
R. Fabella
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引用次数: 0

摘要

我们将毒品威胁构建为一个标准的2×2集体行动问题,有两个自利的家庭a和B,每个家庭都面临一个策略集(C, D) =(合作,不合作)。如果家庭合作,那就达到了(C, C),他们就停止了毒品的威胁;否则,这就是这些游戏在自由放任、纳什均衡(D, D)等非合作规则和毒品威胁下的通常结果。我们通过第三方法规干预(TPIS)机制引入了一个博弈转换:第三方颁布并执行一项法规S,该法规惩罚不合作D,阐明家庭的贡献c,对D的法定惩罚p和被抓的可能性。对于c, p和f的某些组合,干预是有效的,即达到(c, c)作为转换博弈的纳什均衡。有效法规的可能性越低,预期罚金越高,这与强大而明智的第三方有关。TPIS机制是一般政府作用的寓言:巩固和激励地方力量克服集体行动问题。第三方通常被认为是掌握在政府衣钵的人手中的政府。当斗篷是可竞争的,而可竞争的基础是选举时,善治就会以改善福利的干预措施的形式出现。家庭观念在选举中很重要,那些在解决最突出的社区问题方面表现优异或承诺具有优势的候选人将成为投票偏好的首选。只要选民认为这些记录是真实的还是编造的,那就无关紧要了。杜特尔特赢得菲律宾总统宝座的原因有很多,但最令人信服、最符合他个人形象的是,他通过雇佣敢死队在达沃市执行法外处决,摆脱了毒品问题。通过显示自己有能力绕过广受鄙视的腐败正当程序,对许多穷人来说是选举加分项。杜特尔特的选举胜利根植于这样一种说法:毒品威胁是一个首要的集体行动问题,如果有解决方案,那就必然与杜特尔特真实或想象的形象联系在一起。
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The Drug Menace as Contributor to the Duterte Electoral Victory
We construct the drug menace as a standard 2×2 collective action problem with two self-interested households A and B, each facing a strategy set (C, D) = (Cooperate, Don’t Cooperate). If the households cooperate, that is attain (C, C), they stop the drug menace; if not, which is the usual outcome of these games under laissez faire, non-cooperation rules instanced by the Nash equilibrium (D, D) and the drug menace overruns the community. We introduce a game transformation via a third party-intervention-by-statute (TPIS) mechanism: a third party promulgates and enforces a statute S which penalizes non-cooperation D, spells out the contribution c of households, the statutory penalty p for, and the likelihood f of being caught, playing D. For certain combinations of c, p and f, the intervention is efficient, that is, attains (C, C) as the Nash equilibrium of the transformed game. The likelihood of an efficient statute rises the lower is c and the higher the expected penalty pf, features associated with a strong and wise third party. The TPIS mechanism is a parable for the role of governments in general: to consolidate and galvanize the local forces to overcome collective action problems. The third party is normally identified with the government in the hands of persons who hold the mantle of government. When the mantle is contestable and the basis of contestability is electoral, there is a vent for good governance in the form of welfare-improving interventions. The perception of households matter in elections and aspirants with a perceived superior track record on or one that promises superiority at solving the most salient community problems will rise to the top of the voting preference. Whether the track record is real or constructed matters little as long as it is perceived by the voter as true. Duterte won the Philippine presidency for a variety of reasons but the most cogent and tailor-made for his persona was the narrative that he got rid of the drug problem by employing a death squad which carried out extrajudicial executions in Davao City. By showing himself capable of bypassing the widely despised corrupt due process was an electoral plus for many poor people. Duterte’s electoral victory was rooted in the narrative that drug menace was a collective action problem number one and that if there was a solution it was inexorably tied to Duterte’s real or imagined persona.
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来源期刊
Philippine Political Science Journal
Philippine Political Science Journal Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
1.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
17
期刊介绍: The Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ) is an internationally refereed journal and the official publication of the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA). The PPSJ welcomes articles dealing with the politics and international relations of Southeast Asia. Manuscripts may focus on individual countries of the region but comparative articles about the countries in the region and the region as a whole are especially welcome.
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