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Substantive Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments, edited by Devin K. Joshi and Christian Echle 亚洲各国议会中妇女的实质性代表》,由 Devin K. Joshi 和 Christian Echle 编辑
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10054
Topin Sto. Domingo Ruiz
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引用次数: 0
Politics versus Preparedness? How Electoral Incentives Affect the Provision of Local Disaster Public Goods in the Philippines 政治与备灾?选举激励如何影响菲律宾地方灾害公共产品的提供
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10052
Adrian Carlo C. Manlangit
There is an expectation that elections create responsive policymakers that provide optimal public services. However, does this hold true when it comes to non- particularistic and non-immediate goods like disaster preparedness projects? In this exploratory study, I argue that electoral incentives can discourage the provision of local disaster public goods due to their non-particularistic and non-immediate nature. Using datasets containing electoral data and government ratings of local disaster public goods in Philippine cities and municipalities from 2017 to 2021, I find evidence that local disaster public goods provision is affected by (1) the intensity of local electoral competition and (2) the timing of the elections. Estimates suggest that local disaster public goods decline in quality one year before elections. Furthermore, in municipalities, more intense electoral competition is linked to lower quality provision of these collective goods. The findings illustrate how electoral incentives distort leaders’ policymaking against their constituencies’ long-term, common needs.
人们期望通过选举产生顺应民意的决策者,从而提供最佳的公共服务。然而,当涉及到备灾项目等非特殊性和非即时性物品时,这一点是否成立?在这项探索性研究中,我认为选举激励会阻碍地方灾害公共产品的提供,因为它们具有非特殊性和非即时性。利用包含 2017 年至 2021 年菲律宾各市选举数据和政府对地方灾害公共产品评级的数据集,我发现有证据表明,地方灾害公共产品的提供受到(1)地方选举竞争激烈程度和(2)选举时间的影响。估计结果表明,地方灾害公共产品的质量在选举前一年有所下降。此外,在城市中,更激烈的选举竞争与更低质量的集体物品供应有关。这些发现说明了选举激励如何扭曲了领导人的决策,使其无法满足选区的长期共同需求。
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引用次数: 0
Digital Innovations during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Facebook Use for Local E-Governance in the Province of South Cotabato COVID-19 大流行期间的数字创新:南哥打巴托省利用 Facebook 实现地方电子政务
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10051
Jayson Troy Ferro Bajar, Markus Porsche-ludwig
The full-scale adoption of digital technologies in Filipino social life became more apparent during the COVID-19 pandemic. The abrupt emergence of this global catastrophe challenged many to shift to digital infrastructures instantaneously, similar to how local government units (LGU s) implemented their e-governance initiatives. Following a case study design, this article sought to find out how local governments carry out digital innovations, specifically the Province of South Cotabato which can be considered exemplary in this area based on awards it received. A total of 524 Facebook posts, gathered from the first quarter of 2021, were examined using quantitative content analysis. Findings of this study revealed that the LGU s (city, municipality and province) demonstrated “prioritization,” “appropriation,” and “amplification” in fulfilling adjunct roles of being public administrators and content creators at the same time. This article strongly recommends the development of a scientifically informed social media policy framework for government entities.
数字技术在菲律宾社会生活中的全面应用在 COVID-19 大流行期间变得更加明显。这场突如其来的全球性灾难要求许多人立即转向数字基础设施,这与地方政府部门(LGU)实施电子政务的方式类似。本文采用案例研究设计,旨在了解地方政府如何开展数字创新,特别是南哥打巴托省,该省在这方面获得的奖项可谓典范。本文采用定量内容分析法对 2021 年第一季度收集的 524 篇 Facebook 帖子进行了研究。研究结果表明,地方政府机构(市、直辖市和省)在履行公共管理者和内容创造者的双重角色时,表现出了 "优先化"、"拨款 "和 "放大 "的特点。本文强烈建议为政府实体制定一个有科学依据的社交媒体政策框架。
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引用次数: 0
The Invention of China, written by Bill Hayton 中国的发明》,比尔-海顿撰写
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10053
Enzo Miguel M. De Borja
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引用次数: 0
ASEAN and the Major Powers in the South China Sea: the Role of Law, Diplomacy, and Deterrence in Moderating Sovereignty Claims 东盟与南海大国:法律、外交和威慑在缓和主权声索中的作用
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10050
K.S. Nathan
This article focuses on the rising strategic significance of the South China Sea for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the major powers. It traces the origins of the South China Sea (SCS) dispute, and the claimants that are directly involved (China, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei). It then examines why balance of power considerations have influenced and continue to influence the role of regional states as well as the major external powers (China, United States, India, and Japan, together with other interested middle powers such as Australia and Canada). It argues that the SCS is an international maritime regime (global commons), and therefore subject to the principles and practice of International Law, specifically United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Any attempt at nationalisation of the SCS will be rejected under international law, as evidenced by the 2016 decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), with respect to the submission in 2013 by the Philippines on its dispute with China, for compulsory arbitration by the The Hague Court. It notes the lack of unity in ASEAN over how to deal with China’s assertive conduct in the SCS. It suggests that only a dynamic balance of power approach, which includes external power engagement with regional interests, will create the necessary space for diplomacy and dialogue by upholding the primacy of the rule of law, freedom of the open seas, and the legitimate rights and interests of all claimant states. It concludes that law, politics, diplomacy, and deterrence are interactive variables requiring strategic management to promote shared interests, stability and security in the South China Sea.
本文重点探讨了南海对于东南亚国家联盟(东盟)和主要大国日益上升的战略意义。文章追溯了南中国海(SCS)争端的起源,以及直接涉及的声索国(中国、越南、菲律宾、马来西亚和文莱)。然后研究了为什么均势因素已经并将继续影响地区国家和主要外部大国(中国、美国、印度和日本,以及澳大利亚和加拿大等其他相关中等国家)的角色。报告认为,南沙群岛是一个国际海洋制度(全球公域),因此受国际法,特别是《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS)的原则和实践的约束。根据国际法,任何将南沙群岛国有化的企图都将遭到拒绝,常设仲裁法院(PCA)2016 年就菲律宾 2013 年就其与中国的争端提交海牙法院进行强制仲裁一事做出的裁决就证明了这一点。报告指出,东盟在如何应对中国在南中国海的强硬行为上缺乏一致。报告认为,只有采取动态的力量平衡方法,包括外部力量与地区利益的接触,才能通过维护法治的首要地位、公海自由以及所有声索国的合法权益,为外交和对话创造必要的空间。本报告的结论是,法律、政治、外交和威慑是需要战略管理的互动变量,以促进南海的共同利益、稳定和安全。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan During the First Administration of Tsai Ing-Wen: Navigating in Stormy Waters, edited by Gunter Schubert and Chun-Yi Lee 蔡英文首任政府时期的台湾:在风浪中航行》,冈特-舒伯特、李春怡主编
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10055
Wayne Winter Jao Uyseco
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引用次数: 0
Communal Intimacy and the Violence of Politics: Understanding the War on Drugs in Bagong Silang, Philippines, written by Steffen Jensen and Karl Hapal 《社区亲密与政治暴力:了解菲律宾八公四郎的禁毒战争》,斯特芬·詹森、卡尔·哈帕尔著
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10047
S. Iglesias
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引用次数: 2
Do Political Parties Represent Voters’ Preference? A Clustering Analysis of Korea’s Local Election of 2018 政党代表选民的偏好吗?2018年韩国地方选举的聚类分析
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10045
Hyun-Chool Lee, Alexandre Repkine
We employ the results of a survey conducted on two thousand voters that have participated in Korean local election of 2018 to perform clustering analysis of Korean voters’ preferences. We attempt to test the hypothesis of these preferences being adequately represented by the five major political parties. We find that there was likely a significant mismatch between Korean voters and the five voting camps identified under the assumption of five being an optimal number of the voting clusters. After relaxing this assumption we found that the optimal number of voting camps in Korea is two or three, suggesting that a two or a tri-partite political party system would have been a more adequate match representing Korean voters’ preferences in 2018.
我们采用对2000名参加过2018年韩国地方选举的选民进行的调查结果,对韩国选民的偏好进行聚类分析。我们试图检验五大政党充分代表这些偏好的假设。我们发现,在假设五个投票集群是最佳数量的情况下,韩国选民和确定的五个投票阵营之间可能存在严重的不匹配。在放宽这一假设后,我们发现韩国的最佳投票阵营数量是两个或三个,这表明两党或三党制将更适合代表2018年韩国选民的偏好。
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引用次数: 0
Moral Politics of Sidewalk Vending: The Struggle between the City Authorities and Sidewalk Vendors of the City of Manila 人行道小贩的道德政治:马尼拉市市政当局与人行道小贩之间的斗争
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-bja10049
Reynold D. Agnes
This article used Kusaka’s moral politics framework in examining the struggle between the city authorities and the sidewalk vendors of the City of Manila. It explained the development of sidewalk vending from the perspectives of the authorities and the sidewalk vendors from the time of Mayor Gemeliano Lopez Jr. (1986–1992) to the time of Mayor Joseph Ejercito Estrada (2013–2019). It showed the moralization of the perceived problem of sidewalk vending in the city and the approach of the authorities in eradicating sidewalk vendors. This qualitative study is a product of interviews with city officials, employees, and the different types of sidewalk vendors. It revealed that authorities perceived the vendors as undisciplined and undesirable illegals, while the vendors see the authorities as corrupt and dishonest extortionists. This moral opposition remains a contributing factor to the unresolved problem of sidewalk vending in Manila. The approach of the authorities to the problem evaded the social injustices experienced by the vendors whose welfare is a mandated responsibility of local officials based on the Local Government Code of 1991. The article suggests the creation of a mechanism of engagement between the authorities and the vendors that will serve as an opportunity for sidewalk vendors’ participation in policymaking.
本文运用Kusaka的道德政治框架来审视马尼拉市市政当局与人行道摊贩之间的斗争。它从当局和人行道摊贩的角度解释了人行道自动售货机的发展,从市长Gemeliano Lopez Jr.(1986-1992)到市长Joseph Ejercito Estrada(2013-2019)。它展示了对城市中人行道上的自动售货问题的道德化,以及当局根除人行道摊贩的方法。这项定性研究是对城市官员、雇员和不同类型的人行道摊贩进行访谈的结果。调查显示,当局认为摊贩是无纪律和不受欢迎的非法分子,而摊贩则认为当局是腐败和不诚实的勒索者。这种道德上的反对仍然是马尼拉人行道上的贩卖机问题尚未解决的一个因素。当局处理这一问题的方法回避了摊贩所经历的社会不公正,根据1991年《地方政府法典》,他们的福利是地方官员的法定责任。这篇文章建议在当局和摊贩之间建立一种参与机制,这将为摊贩参与政策制定提供机会。
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgments 致谢
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/2165025x-20230055
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Philippine Political Science Journal
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