引言:南亚大婶的跨国人物

IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI:10.1080/00856401.2023.2164414
Kareem Khubchandani
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引用次数: 1

摘要

2016年2月,工会部长斯姆里蒂·伊拉尼在印度人民院发表了一场激烈的演讲,她在演讲中驳斥了政府需要为罗希特·维穆拉(海得拉巴大学达利特学生)的死亡或新德里贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁大学的逮捕和恶化道歉的必要性,那里的学生因煽动叛乱的似是而非的指控而被捕。她戏剧性的表演和盛大的手势让人想起了她作为热播剧《Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi》主角的肥皂剧过去的戏剧性。演讲后的第二天早上,《每日电讯报》刊登了对伊拉尼谩骂的报道,并配上了她瞪大眼睛盯着读者的照片;标题是“国民阿姨”。作为反民族主义的文字游戏,这个名字被标记为对国家有害,因为Irani与印度教政治结盟,并且她对达利特和穆斯林学生遭受的暴力行为不负责任。这是一个特别尖锐的举动,因为JNU的学生同时被指控煽动叛乱和反国家。“阿姨”的使用利用了南亚老年女性经常遭受的肥胖恐惧症、性别歧视和年龄歧视,放大了对Irani的蔑视;它是用来刺痛的。一篇批评《每日电讯报》使用“阿姨”的社论引起了人们对阿姨过度性化的关注——大量软硬核心的色情作品在“阿姨色情”类别下流传。尽管公众对《每日电讯报》微不足道的标题嗤之以鼻,但几个月后,Irani本人在脸书上发文“问候,国民阿姨”,诋毁了该报的颠覆性绰号。在Irani案中,阿姨的许多用法和含义说明了阿姨是如何与消极、性以及颠覆性和压制性政治联系在一起的。南亚的这一特殊部分着眼于无处不在但理论不足的阿姨形象,它不仅是一个研究对象(原型、关系、角色),而且是一个形象(代表形式、视觉),可以为我们的研究领域提供替代方向,当然是围绕性别和性问题,还有民族主义、亲属关系和学科边界。阿姨们经常出现在南亚的公共文化中:网飞的Masaba Masaba有一首关于她的歌;列表详细介绍了泰米尔maamis的特点;
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Introduction: Transnational Figurations of the South Asian Aunty
In February 2016, Union Minister Smriti Irani delivered a torrential speech in India’s Lok Sabha, in which she refuted the need for an apology from her government for the death of Rohith Vemula (a Dalit student at Hyderabad University) or for the arrests and aggravation at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, where students had been arrested under specious accusations of sedition. Her melodramatic delivery and grand gestures recalled the theatricality of her soap operatic past as the protagonist of the hit series, ‘Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi’. The morning after this speech, The Telegraph newspaper printed coverage of Irani’s diatribe with an image of her staring widely at the reader; the headline read ‘Aunty National’. As wordplay on antinational, the moniker marked as harmful to the nation Irani’s alignment with Hindutva politics and her lack of culpability for the violence done to Dalit and Muslim students. This was a particularly pointed move as JNU students were simultaneously being accused of sedition, of being anti-national. The use of ‘aunty’ amplified disdain for Irani by tapping into the fatphobia, sexism and ageism that is often wielded against older South Asian women; it was meant to sting. One editorial criticising The Telegraph’s use of ‘aunty’ calls attention to the hypersexualisation of aunties—a large body of softand hard-core erotica circulates under the category of ‘Aunty Porn’. Despite the public contempt for The Telegraph’s punny headline, several months later, Irani herself signed off on a Facebook post with ‘Regards, Aunty National’, defanging the newspaper’s subversive moniker. The many uses and meanings of aunty in the Irani case stages how aunty becomes associated with negativity, sexuality and both subversive and suppressive politics. This special section of South Asia looks at the ubiquitous though undertheorised figure of the aunty not only as an object of study (an archetype, a relation, a role), but also a figuration (a representative form, an optic) that can provide alternative orientations for our field of study, certainly around questions of gender and sexuality, but also nationalism, kinship and disciplinary borders. Aunties appear constantly in South Asian public culture: Netflix’s Masaba Masaba features a song about her; listicles detail the characteristics of Tamil maamis;
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