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Refugee Cities: How Afghans Changed Urban Pakistan Refugee Cities: How Afghans Changed Urban Pakistan , by Sanaa Alimia, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022, 248 pp., US$39.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-5128-2279-3. 《难民城市:阿富汗人如何改变巴基斯坦城市》,萨那·阿里米亚著,费城,宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2022年,248页,39.95美元(平装),ISBN 978-1-5128-2279-3。
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2272499
Anooradha Iyer Siddiqi
"Refugee Cities: How Afghans Changed Urban Pakistan." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《难民城市:阿富汗人如何改变巴基斯坦城市》南亚:《南亚研究杂志》,印前版,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Going Wild on Instagram: Tiger Safaris and India’s Protected Areas in the Age of Social Media 在Instagram上疯狂:社交媒体时代的老虎之旅和印度保护区
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2266934
Aileen Blaney
AbstractThrough the lens of tiger photography on Instagram, this paper investigates a desire for wilderness without the human footprint; based on a false separation between nature and society, this aspiration finds expression through visual aesthetics on the platform. Protected areas in India are increasing, but this has not halted nature’s financialisation. On the contrary, it has enhanced the availability of preserved nature for conversion to capital, mirroring earlier opportunities tied to resource extraction. Using insights from political ecology, I discuss how wildlife as hyper-spectacle on Instagram presents a natural world with the appearance of being untransformed by human intervention and available to tourism. Instagram offers a route into understanding the paradoxical stance of nature in contemporary tourism and conservation discourses.Keywords: EcotourismIndiaInstagramprotected areassocial mediatiger tourismwildlife photography Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Spoorthi Niranjan, who was an undergraduate student at FLAME University at the time of writing, for assistance in the collection of Instagram posts. I also wish to thank the anonymous reviewers and journal editor for their suggestions. These inputs were very helpful in reformulating an earlier version of this paper.Notes1. Büscher describes what he calls the ‘nontransformation of nature’ as a nature-based commodity whose value is tied up in appearing as entirely ‘natural’: Bram Büscher, ‘The Value and Circulation of Liquid Nature and the Emergence of Fictitious Conservation’, in Nature Inc.: Environmental Conservation in the Neoliberal Age, ed. Bram Büscher, Wolfram Dressler and Robert Fletcher (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014): 183–205.2. John M. MacKenzie, The Empire of Nature: Hunting, Conservation and British Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988): 47. In this period, the colonial regime attempted to eliminate the tiger population for the supposed benefit of the people. Killing tigers was economically advantageous: fewer wild animals meant more timber, leading to prodigious sales and conversion of forest to agricultural land.3. Nada Farhoud, ‘Royals’ Bloody Trophy Hunting Past when Queen Posed with Tiger Shot by Prince Philip’, Mirror, January 29, 2021, accessed April 12, 2023, https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/royals-bloody-trophy-hunting-past-23410242.4. Jim Corbett, Man-Eaters of Kumaon (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1944): 244.5. Radhika Govindrajan, Animal Intimacies: Interspecies Relatedness in India’s Central Himalayas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018): 125.6. The Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 gave momentum to the conversion of hunting reserves belonging to maharajas into national parks.7. Ishan Kukreti, ‘Union Budget 2020–21: Big Chunk Goes to Tigers and Elephants’, Down to Earth, February 1, 2020, accessed May 13, 2022, https://w
摘要本文通过Instagram上老虎摄影的镜头,探讨了一种对没有人类足迹的荒野的渴望;基于自然与社会的虚假分离,这种渴望通过视觉美学在平台上得到表达。印度的保护区正在增加,但这并没有阻止大自然的金融化。相反,它增加了保护自然资源转化为资本的可能性,反映了早先与资源开采有关的机会。利用政治生态学的见解,我讨论了作为Instagram上的超级奇观的野生动物是如何呈现一个自然世界的,这个世界看起来没有受到人类干预的改变,并且可以用于旅游。Instagram为理解当代旅游和保护话语中自然的矛盾立场提供了一条途径。关键词:生态旅游、大众传媒、instagram、保护区、社交媒体、旅游、野生动物摄影披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。我要感谢Spoorthi Niranjan,在撰写本文时,他是FLAME大学的一名本科生,在收集Instagram帖子方面提供了帮助。我还要感谢匿名审稿人和期刊编辑提出的建议。这些输入对本文早期版本的重新表述非常有帮助。Bram b<e:1>舍尔描述了他所谓的“自然的非转化”,作为一种基于自然的商品,其价值与完全“自然”的出现联系在一起:Bram b<e:1>舍尔,“液体自然的价值和循环以及虚拟保护的出现”,在自然公司:新自由主义时代的环境保护,编辑。Bram b<e:1>舍尔,Wolfram Dressler和Robert Fletcher(图森:亚利桑那大学出版社,2014):183-205.2。约翰·m·麦肯齐,《自然帝国:狩猎、保护与英帝国主义》(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,1988),第47页。在这一时期,殖民政权试图为了人民的利益而消灭老虎。杀死老虎在经济上是有利的:野生动物的减少意味着木材的增加,从而导致巨大的销售和森林向农田的转变。娜达·法胡德,“王室的血腥狩猎:女王与菲利普亲王拍摄的老虎合影”,镜报,2021年1月29日,2023年4月12日访问https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/royals-bloody-trophy-hunting-past-23410242.4。吉姆·科比特,《吃人的Kumaon》(孟买:牛津大学出版社,1944):244.5页。Radhika Govindrajan,动物亲密关系:印度喜马拉雅中部的物种间亲缘关系(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2018):125.6。1972年的《野生动物保护法》推动了将属于大王公的狩猎保护区转变为国家公园。伊山·库克雷蒂,《2020-21年联邦预算:一大笔钱给了老虎和大象》,《脚踏实地》,2020年2月1日,2022年5月13日访问,https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/wildlife-biodiversity/union-budget-2020-21-big-chunk-goes-to-tigers-and-elephants-69100.8。在二十世纪之交,大约有四万只老虎居住在印度的森林地区。《野生动物保护法》(1972年)和《老虎计划》(1973年)出台后,狩猎、偷猎、猎物减少和栖息地丧失使印度的老虎数量大幅减少,估计只有1827只。S.P. Yadav,“印度的老虎保护:一个关键分析”,《条纹季刊》第10期。1(2020): 7, 2023年10月15日访问,https://ntca.gov.in/assets/uploads/stripes/Vol1_Issue1_2020.pdf.9。早在贾拉勒-乌德-丁·穆罕默德·阿克巴尔皇帝统治时期,射杀老虎是年轻的印度王子的成年仪式,而这些皇家狩猎为绘画、版画和素描提供了象征性的丰富题材。Meera Anna Oommen,“花园里的野兽:印度过去和现在的人类与野生动物共存”,《保护科学前沿》2 (2021):3,https://doi.org/10.3389/fcosc.2021.703432.11。事实上,Instagram的显示和功能并没有单一的算法——它依赖于许多算法。在他们关于Instagram的专著中,利弗、海菲尔德和阿比丁确定了“三个关键思想”,可以被视为不同的研究领域:“视觉美学,包括内容的类型和修辞以及视觉正常化;用户惯例和规范;以及使用Instagram的受众和动机:Tama Leaver, Tim Highfield和Crystal Abidin, Instagram (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2021): 40.13。如上,72.14。此外,自2015年以来,Instagram一直限制其API(应用程序编程接口)与第三方工具的互操作性,从而抑制了软件辅助研究。Danah Boyd和Kate Crawford,“大数据的关键问题:对文化、技术和学术现象的挑衅”,《信息传播与社会》,第15期。 5(2012),引自Laestadius和Witt, ' Instagram Revisited ', 586.16。Linnea Laestadius和Alice Witt,“Instagram Revisited”,见《Sage社交媒体研究手册》,Anabel Quan-Haase和Luke Sloan主编(伦敦:Sage Publications, 2022): 586.17。如上,587.18。利弗,海菲尔德和阿比丁,Instagram, 205,强调原文。欧曼,《花园里的野兽》,4.20。如上,11.21。伊山·库克雷蒂:《老虎与部落:保护项目48年来使18493个家庭流离失所》,《脚踏实地》,2020年10月9日,2021年3月19日,https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/wildlife-biodiversity/tigers-and-tribals-conservation-project-displaced-18-493-families-in-48-yrs-73732.22。欧曼,《花园里的野兽》,4.23。安努·贾莱斯,《老虎的森林:孙德尔本斯的人、政治和环境》(新德里:劳特利奇出版社,2011)。Ajit Menon和Nitin D. Rai,《为老虎保护区定价:创造保护价值还是攫取绿色?》,《经济与政治周刊》第52期。52 (2017): 23-26;Ajit Menon和Nitin D. Rai,“自然的错误测量:印度老虎保护区经济评估的政治生态”,《政治生态学杂志》26期,第2期。1 (2019): 652-65;Robin J. Roth和Wolfram Dressler,“以市场为导向的保护治理:地方的特性”,《地理论坛》(2012)43:363-66.25。吉姆·伊戈,“自然运动II:沉思成为投机”,在自然公司:环境保护在新自由主义时代,编辑Bram b<e:1>舍,Wolfram Dressler和罗伯特·弗莱彻(图森:亚利桑那大学出版社,2014):205-222,206.26。b<e:1>舍尔,“价值与流通”,184.27。如上,185.28。关于对自然的金融化如何恢复生物多样性的批评,见Menon和
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引用次数: 0
The 2022 State Elections in Uttar Pradesh and the RSS-isation of the BJP 2022年北方邦的邦选举和人民党的rss化
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2266289
Shashank Chaturvedi, David N. Gellner, Sanjay Kumar Pandey
AbstractSince 2014, the BJP has become increasingly dominant in Uttar Pradesh, India, a state where, as recently as 2012, its vote share had slumped to 15 percent. This paper examines, through ethnographic field research with party workers and others, the reasons for the turnaround in the party’s fortunes. A large part of the answer lies in the increasing strength of BJP party organisation, modelled on an RSS template, as well as the increasing coordination between the RSS and the BJP, with RSS personnel frequently seconded to the BJP. This intense closeness between the RSS and the BJP is a new post-2014 feature, something that did not characterise earlier periods of the BJP in power. A second key factor, building on the BJP’s increased organisational capacity, and one long advocated by the RSS, is the mobilisation of state welfare benefits by the party and the concerted effort to convert welfare recipients, coming from all communities, into supporters. A third key factor, at which the BJP is increasingly adept and where RSS organisational skills provide a significant advantage, is the micromanagement of caste dynamics and religious polarisation as and when required to gain and maintain a political advantage.Keywords: BJPHindutvaIndian politicslocal electionsRSSUPUttar Pradesh AcknowledgementsWe thank the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust for their support through the BA’s Small Research Grants scheme (grant SRG21211342). Chaturvedi would also like to thank Professor Pushpendra Kumar and the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Patna, for supporting the early phase of fieldwork; and for support in the field, Rahul Mishra (Gorakhpur) and Harinder Chowdhary (Bulandhshahar). Ethical approval was obtained from the School of Anthropology and Museum Ethnography, University of Oxford (SAME_C1A_21_100). For helpful comments on earlier drafts, and assistance in sharpening our argument, we thank Ralph Schroeder, Amogh Sharma, Priya Chacko, and two anonymous referees.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Cited in D. Thengadi, Karyakarta (Pune: Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, 5th ed., 2011 [1995]): 106.2. To two decimal points, the BJP vote share in 2022 was 41.29 percent while that of the SP was 32.06 percent. Lok Dhaba Trivedi Centre for Political Data, accessed April 27, 2023, https://lokdhaba.ashoka.edu.in/browse-data?et=AE&st=Uttar_Pradesh&an=18.3. The BJP won 8 percent of the Muslim votes in the 2022 assembly election in UP: The Hindu Bureau, ‘The Hindu-CSDS-Lokniti Post-Poll Survey 2022: Welfare, Regional Factors Provided Ballast to BJP in Uttar Pradesh’, The Hindu, March 12, 2022, accessed September 29, 2022, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/the-hindu-csds-lokniti-post-poll-survey-2022/article65215064.ece.4. N. Mehta, The New BJP: Modi and the Making of the World’s Largest Political Party (Chennai: Westland, 2022): Chap. 3.5. On the history of the RSS, see W.K. Anderson and S. Damle, The Brotherh
摘要自2014年以来,印度人民党在印度北方邦日益占据主导地位,而就在2012年,该党在该邦的选票份额还跌至15%。本文通过对党的工作人员和其他人的民族志实地研究,探讨了党的命运转变的原因。很大程度上,答案在于人民党党组织的实力日益增强,以RSS为模板,以及RSS和人民党之间日益加强的协调,RSS人员经常借调到人民党。RSS和人民党之间的这种密切关系是2014年后的新特征,而这并不是人民党执政早期的特征。第二个关键因素,建立在人民党不断增强的组织能力之上,也是RSS长期倡导的,是党动员国家福利,并共同努力将来自所有社区的福利接受者转变为支持者。第三个关键因素是,当需要获得和保持政治优势时,对种姓动态和宗教两极分化的微观管理是人民党日益熟练和RSS组织技能提供显著优势的地方。我们感谢英国学院和Leverhulme信托基金通过BA的小额研究资助计划(资助SRG21211342)提供的支持。Chaturvedi还要感谢Pushpendra Kumar教授和巴特那塔塔社会科学研究所对早期实地工作的支持;以及在实地提供支持的拉胡尔·米什拉(戈拉克普尔)和哈林德·乔杜里(布兰德沙哈尔)。获得牛津大学人类学与博物馆民族志学院的伦理批准(SAME_C1A_21_100)。我们感谢Ralph Schroeder, Amogh Sharma, Priya Chacko和两位匿名审稿人对早期草稿的有益评论,并帮助我们的论点更加尖锐。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。引自D. Thengadi, Karyakarta(浦那:Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna,第5版,2011[1995]):106.2。到小数点后两位,人民党在2022年的选票份额为41.29%,而社会主义党为32.06%。洛克·达巴·特里维迪政治数据中心,2023年4月27日访问,https://lokdhaba.ashoka.edu.in/browse-data?et=AE&st=Uttar_Pradesh&an=18.3。人民党在2022年北方邦议会选举中赢得了8%的穆斯林选票:印度教徒局,“2022年印度教徒-csds-lokniti投票后调查:福利,地区因素为人民党在北方邦提供了稳定”,印度教徒报,2022年3月12日,访问2022年9月29日,https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/the-hindu-csds-lokniti-post-poll-survey-2022/article65215064.ece.4。N. Mehta,新人民党:莫迪和世界最大政党的建立(金奈:韦斯特兰,2022):第3.5章。关于RSS的历史,见W.K. Anderson和S. Damle,《藏红花的兄弟会:拉什特里亚·斯瓦扬塞瓦克派和印度教复兴》(科罗拉多州博尔德:西景出版社,1987年);W.K.安德森和S. Damle, RSS:内部视角(古尔冈:企鹅维京,2019)。关于RSS在新人民党中的作用,见A. Singh,《新人民党的建筑师:纳伦德拉·莫迪如何改变党》(新德里:企鹅出版社,2022年);梅塔,新bjp。例如,C. Jaffrelot,莫迪的印度:印度教民族主义和民族民主的兴起(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2021年);P.B. Mehta,《印度民族主义:从民族认同到专制镇压》,《印度政治研究》第10期。1 (2022): 31-47;B. Yadav和I. Patnaik,《印度人民党的崛起:世界最大政党的形成》(新德里:企鹅出版社,2022)。Bharti Jain,“今年北方邦女性投票率超过男性”,《印度时报》,2022年3月10日,2023年10月11日,https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/assembly-polls-turnout-of-women-exceeds-male-voters-in-up-this-year/articleshow/90111868.cms.8。M. Vaishnav,“从轻而易举到竞赛:印度2019年大选”,卡内基国际和平基金会网站,2018年4月16日,2023年5月15日访问,https://carnegieendowment.org/2018/04/16/from-cakewalk-to-contest-india-s-2019-general-election-pub-76084.9。Y. Yadav,“理解第二次民主热潮:1990年代巴胡扬参与选举政治的趋势”,《转型印度》,F. Frankel等人编(德里:牛津大学出版社):146-75.10。《印度无声的革命:印度北部低种姓的崛起》(新德里:永久黑人出版社,2003)。B. Narayan,《迷人的印度教:藏红花政治和达利特动员》(德里:Sage, 2009);A.P. Singh,“次等印度教”,研讨会720(2019年8月),2023年10月11日访问,https://www.india-seminar.com/2019/720/702_abhinav_prakash_singh.htm;G. Prakash,“达利特人和人民党”,研讨会720(2019年3月),访问2022年8月10日,https://www。 根据PMGKAY每月向北方邦的这些持卡人提供500万吨粮食,根据NFSA分发超过80万吨粮食。来自邦食品和民用供应部门的消息称,受益人总数估计为149.6万人(或超过人口的60%):印度快报,勒克瑙版,2022.60年2月26日。Yadav和Patnaik,《人民党的崛起》,164,引自B.K. Kelkar, Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyaya: Vichar Darshan, Vol. 3(新德里:Aschi Prakashan, 2014): 80.61。在新系统下,每当组织会员活动时,就会启动一个免费电话号码,并要求人们拨打未接来电;电话被回,个人信息被记录下来,会员资格被确认。亚达夫和帕特奈克,《人民党的崛起》,171.63。印度教局,“印度教- csds -洛尼尼民调后调查”。CSDS是发展中社会研究中心的缩写。J. Mishra和S. Palshikar,“Labharthi因素”,《印度教徒报》,2022年3月12日,2023年10月11日访问,https://www.thehindu.com/elections/uttar-pradesh-assembly/the-labharthi-factor/article65215837.ece.65。Thengadi, Karyakarta, 109.66。《Dainik Jagran》,戈拉克普尔版,2021.67年8月19日。《Dainik Jagran》,戈拉克布尔版,2022.68年2月5日。据推测,“just”一词指的是正义。P.K. Dutta,“是什么让Yogi Adityanath的Gorakhpur城市成为人民党在北方邦选举中的堡垒”,《印度斯坦时报》,2022年2月4日,2023年5月14日访问ht
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引用次数: 0
Satrah Din, Satrah Saal: Media, Propaganda and Virtual Warfare in the India-Pakistan War of 1965 “Satrah Din, Satrah Saal”:1965年印巴战争中的媒体、宣传和虚拟战争
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2262288
Meher Ali
AbstractThe 1965 India-Pakistan War, also known as the Second Kashmir War or the ‘Seventeen-Day War’, is usually understood through the lens of military history, regional geopolitics and the long-standing ‘Kashmir question’. This article looks instead to the construction of social and political meaning around the conflict through an examination of the war’s mediatisation in Pakistan. An analysis of different media forms—including radio broadcasts, news dailies, press photography and popular poetry—reveals how a war imaginary was shaped by both domestic crises and global ideological dissension, extending beyond the notion of a timeless Indo-Pak enmity. Taking place at a pivotal moment in the global Cold War, public narratives were built upon not only state agendas but also popular concerns regarding militarism, sovereignty and the politics of aid. These framings ultimately illustrate the deeper entanglements that exist between war, media and mass publics—extending beyond the goals of wartime propaganda alone to produce new national imaginaries and collective subjectivities.Keywords: Cold WarIndiaKashmirmass publicsmedianationalismPakistanphotographypolitics of aidpropagandaradiowar AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Gyan Prakash and Jeremy Adelman for comments on an early draft of this piece, as well as two anonymous reviewers for their rich and thoughtful suggestions. She would also like to thank Dawn and The Times of India for permission to reproduce select images, as well as the families of Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi for their permission to translate the poems included in this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. See, for example, the Pakistan Army’s official history, published by the ISPR Directorate: Indo-Pakistan War 1965: A Flashback (Rawalpindi: ISPR Directorate, 1966). While the Indian government’s 1992 official history is more tempered, it has also pushed its own revisionist narrative of victory: Nitin Gokhale, 1965, Turning the Tide: How India Won the War (New Delhi: Centre for Land Warfare Studies, 2015). 2. During the British transfer of power in 1947, the Hindu monarch of Kashmir chose to accede to India in exchange for military assistance against tribal incursions from the Northwest. This led to war with Pakistan, the resolution of which divided the province into Indian and Pakistani territories. United Nations resolutions in 1948 and 1957 called for a plebiscite in Kashmir on the basis of self-determination, which never took place.3. Paul McGarr, The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, The United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013): 319.4. The Rann of Kutch is a largely uninhabited salt desert between the Pakistani province of Sind and the Indian state of Gujarat, the boundary of which became a source of territorial dispute soon after independence.5. Particularly in Pakistan, see Gulzar Ahmed, Pak
1965年的印巴战争,也被称为第二次克什米尔战争或“十七天战争”,通常是通过军事史、地区地缘政治和长期存在的“克什米尔问题”来理解的。本文通过考察巴基斯坦战争的媒体化,转而关注围绕冲突的社会和政治意义的构建。对不同媒体形式的分析——包括电台广播、新闻日报、新闻摄影和流行诗歌——揭示了一场战争是如何被国内危机和全球意识形态分歧所塑造的,超越了印巴永恒敌意的概念。它发生在全球冷战的关键时刻,公众叙事不仅建立在国家议程上,还建立在民众对军国主义、主权和援助政治的担忧上。这些框架最终说明了战争、媒体和大众之间存在的更深层次的纠缠——超越了战争宣传的目标,产生了新的国家想象和集体主体性。关键词:冷战印度克什米尔大众大众媒体民族主义巴基斯坦摄影援助政治宣传战争致谢作者要感谢吉安·普拉卡什和杰里米·阿德尔曼对本文初稿的评论,以及两位匿名审稿人丰富而周到的建议。她也感谢《黎明报》和《印度时报》允许转载部分图片,并感谢Faiz Ahmed Faiz和Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi的家人允许翻译本文中的诗歌。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。例如,巴基斯坦军队的官方历史,由ISPR理事会出版:印巴战争1965:一个闪回(拉瓦尔品第:ISPR理事会,1966)。虽然印度政府1992年的官方历史更加温和,但它也推动了自己的胜利修正主义叙述:Nitin Gokhale, 1965,扭转潮流:印度如何赢得战争(新德里:陆战研究中心,2015)。2. 在1947年英国移交权力期间,克什米尔的印度教君主选择加入印度,以换取军事援助,以对抗来自西北部的部落入侵。这导致了与巴基斯坦的战争,该决议将该省划分为印度和巴基斯坦的领土。联合国1948年和1957年的决议要求在克什米尔举行以自决为基础的公民投票,但从未举行过。保罗·麦加尔:《南亚的冷战:英国、美国和印度次大陆,1945-1965》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2013):319.4页。库奇兰恩是位于巴基斯坦信德省和印度古吉拉特邦之间的一片荒无人烟的盐碱地,其边界在独立后不久就成为领土争端的根源。特别是在巴基斯坦,见Gulzar Ahmed,《巴基斯坦迎接印度挑战》(拉瓦尔品第:Al Mukhtar出版社,1967);6. Altaf Hasan Qureshi, Jang-e-Sitambar Ki Yaadein(拉合尔:Jamhoori出版社,2018)。特别是在印度,见《1965:第二次印巴战争的故事》(新德里:企鹅出版社,2015年);Dewan Berindranath,《与巴基斯坦的战争》(新德里:亚洲出版社,1966)。7. 参见Sumit Ganguly,《南亚战争的起源》(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1986);苏米特·甘古利,《克什米尔危机:战争的征兆,和平的希望》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1997);苏布拉塔·米特拉:《南亚的战争与和平:印巴关系的修正主义观点》,《当代南亚》第10期,第2 - 6页。3(2001): 361-79.8。即使在1948年的第一次印巴战争期间,贸易也在继续——直到1965年和1971年的战争,贸易才与军事问题纠缠在一起,并不可挽回地中断了:见迈克尔·库格尔曼和罗伯特·哈撒韦主编的《巴基斯坦-印度贸易:需要做什么?》这有什么关系?(华盛顿特区:威尔逊中心,2013)。文化互动包括“书籍、报纸、电影、联合mushairas和体育交流”:拉希德·艾哈迈德·汗,“巴基斯坦和印度之间的友好交流和民间接触”,《战略研究》第34期。2/3 (2014): 133-46;136. 10. 1965年的战争导致了Khokhrapar边境和火车服务的关闭。那一年,国际护照制度开始实施,以规范跨境旅行:见瓦齐拉·法齐拉-雅库巴利·扎米达尔,《漫长的分治与现代南亚的形成:难民、边界、历史》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2007年)。威廉·马扎雷拉,“一个撕裂的表演分配:英国在印度的第二次世界大战宣传的情感政治和大众公众时代的合法性问题”,《南亚历史与文化》第1期。1 (2009): 1 - 24;12日,https://doi.org/10.1080/19472490903387183.12。 “纳拉扬甘吉的公民正在为保卫祖国做准备”,《巴基斯坦观察家报》,1965年10月4日:3.65。阿隆索在1965年的章节中细致入微地讨论了流行的战争歌曲,以及巴基斯坦广播电台和受人喜爱的歌手兼女演员努尔·杰汗(Noor Jehan)之间著名的合作,后者在17天的战争中连续演唱和录制了12首歌曲。Aijaz Ahmed,《在乌尔都语的镜子里:1947 - 1965年民族和社会的重组》,载于《当代谱系》(新德里:Tulika出版社,1996),第219.67页。拉瓦尔品第阴谋案是1951年发现的一起反对利阿奎特·阿里·汗政府的阴谋,涉及包括法伊兹·艾哈迈德·法伊兹在内的几名左翼政治家和知识分子。Alamgir Hashmi,“巴基斯坦当代乌尔都语诗歌的一些方向:从1965年到现在”,《南亚:南亚研究杂志》第1期。2(1978): 67-79。69. 纳伊姆:《印巴战争对乌尔都语语言和文学的影响:分道扬镳?》《亚洲研究杂志》,第28期,第2。2 (1969): 269-83;272.70. Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi,《9月6日》,Naqsh, Jang Nambar(卡拉奇:1966):396,作者翻译。71. Ibid.72。Saiyid Faizi,“Satrah Din, Satrah Saal”,载于Razm-o-Nazm(拉瓦尔第:巴基斯坦委员会,1966年):33,转载于Faqir Hussain Shakir,《乌尔都语诗歌自1936年以来的一些发展》(未发表的硕士论文,Durham大学,1969年):223,由Faqir Hussain Shakir翻译,73。Akram Tahir,“Qaum Bedaar”,Imroz, 1965年10月3日:2,由作者翻译。艾哈迈德·法拉兹,《Parcham Jaan》,载于Shab-e Khun: Jang-i-Sitambar 65 se Mutalliq(拉瓦尔品第:优素福出版社,1979):23,作者翻译。75. Ibid.76。Anjum Romani,“Ganjang India”,Imroz, 1965年10月2日:2,作者翻译。Ibid.78。艾哈迈德·纳迪姆·卡斯米,《克什米尔》,1965年9月,转载于《穆希特报》(拉合尔:Sang-e-Meel出版社,2012):73,作者翻译。Ibid.80。raauf Parekh,“文学笔记:1965年战争和巴基斯坦乌尔都文学”,黎明,2015年9月7日,访问2022年6月1日,https://www.dawn.com/news/1205330.81。奈姆,《后果》,275.82。迈克尔·爱德华兹,《塔什干及其后》,《国际事务》42期,第2期。3 (1966): 383;《学生示威》,《巴基斯坦时报》1966年1月15日:8.83。“巴基斯坦支持民族自决的要求,阿尤布总统的广播”,黎明,1966年1月1
{"title":"‘ <i>Satrah Din, Satrah Saal</i> ’ <i>:</i> Media, Propaganda and Virtual Warfare in the India-Pakistan War of 1965","authors":"Meher Ali","doi":"10.1080/00856401.2023.2262288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2262288","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe 1965 India-Pakistan War, also known as the Second Kashmir War or the ‘Seventeen-Day War’, is usually understood through the lens of military history, regional geopolitics and the long-standing ‘Kashmir question’. This article looks instead to the construction of social and political meaning around the conflict through an examination of the war’s mediatisation in Pakistan. An analysis of different media forms—including radio broadcasts, news dailies, press photography and popular poetry—reveals how a war imaginary was shaped by both domestic crises and global ideological dissension, extending beyond the notion of a timeless Indo-Pak enmity. Taking place at a pivotal moment in the global Cold War, public narratives were built upon not only state agendas but also popular concerns regarding militarism, sovereignty and the politics of aid. These framings ultimately illustrate the deeper entanglements that exist between war, media and mass publics—extending beyond the goals of wartime propaganda alone to produce new national imaginaries and collective subjectivities.Keywords: Cold WarIndiaKashmirmass publicsmedianationalismPakistanphotographypolitics of aidpropagandaradiowar AcknowledgementsThe author would like to thank Gyan Prakash and Jeremy Adelman for comments on an early draft of this piece, as well as two anonymous reviewers for their rich and thoughtful suggestions. She would also like to thank Dawn and The Times of India for permission to reproduce select images, as well as the families of Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi for their permission to translate the poems included in this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. See, for example, the Pakistan Army’s official history, published by the ISPR Directorate: Indo-Pakistan War 1965: A Flashback (Rawalpindi: ISPR Directorate, 1966). While the Indian government’s 1992 official history is more tempered, it has also pushed its own revisionist narrative of victory: Nitin Gokhale, 1965, Turning the Tide: How India Won the War (New Delhi: Centre for Land Warfare Studies, 2015). 2. During the British transfer of power in 1947, the Hindu monarch of Kashmir chose to accede to India in exchange for military assistance against tribal incursions from the Northwest. This led to war with Pakistan, the resolution of which divided the province into Indian and Pakistani territories. United Nations resolutions in 1948 and 1957 called for a plebiscite in Kashmir on the basis of self-determination, which never took place.3. Paul McGarr, The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, The United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013): 319.4. The Rann of Kutch is a largely uninhabited salt desert between the Pakistani province of Sind and the Indian state of Gujarat, the boundary of which became a source of territorial dispute soon after independence.5. Particularly in Pakistan, see Gulzar Ahmed, Pak","PeriodicalId":46457,"journal":{"name":"South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies","volume":"13 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135221287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Queer Companions: Religion, Public Intimacy and Saintly Affects in Pakistan Queer Companions: Religion, Public Intimacy and Saintly Affects in Pakistan , by Omar Kasmani, Durham, NC, Duke University Press, 2022, 224 pp., US$26.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-4780-1803-2. 《酷儿同伴:巴基斯坦的宗教、公共亲密关系和神圣影响》,奥马尔·卡斯马尼著,北卡罗来纳州达勒姆,杜克大学出版社,2022年,224页,26.95美元(平装),ISBN 978-1-4780-1803-2。
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2272420
Nada Raza
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引用次数: 0
Friendly Nations and Open Borders: Gender, Caste and Sacredness at the India-Nepal Border 友好国家和开放边界:印度-尼泊尔边境的性别、种姓和神圣性
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2263261
Bhoomika Joshi
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引用次数: 0
Museums and the Fashioning of National History in Postcolonial Pakistan 博物馆与后殖民时期巴基斯坦国家历史的塑造
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2265202
Mrinalini Venkateswaran
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引用次数: 0
The Ungrudging Indian: The Political Economy of Salt in India, c. 1878–1947 不吝惜的印度人:1878-1947年印度盐的政治经济
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2245235
Miles Taylor
This article investigates the long background to Mohandas K. Gandhi’s choice of salt as a symbol of protest against British colonial rule. Arguably the largest of all the colonial monopolies in India, the salt tax had the smallest effect on the lives of Indians when compared with other forms of deprivation and inequality. How was the salt monopoly different from other kinds of extractive colonialism? Why did salt never become part of the lexicon of protest against British rule until 1930? The article discusses the operation of the salt monopoly, its impact on consumption and health, the criticism it provoked, and the growth of support in the 1920s for protection for the domestic salt industry.
这篇文章调查了莫汉达斯·k·甘地选择盐作为抗议英国殖民统治的象征的悠久背景。可以说,盐税是印度所有殖民垄断中最大的,但与其他形式的剥夺和不平等相比,盐税对印度人生活的影响最小。盐业垄断与其他掠夺性殖民主义有何不同?为什么直到1930年,盐才成为抗议英国统治的词汇之一?本文论述了盐业专卖的运作,对消费和健康的影响,引起的批评,以及20世纪20年代国内盐业保护支持的增长。
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引用次数: 0
Setting India on the Wrong Path: Robert McCarrison’s Goitre Research, 1906–35 让印度走上错误的道路:罗伯特·麦卡锡的甲状腺研究,1906 - 1935
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2246284
Ashok Malhotra
This article examines how Dr. Robert McCarrison’s goitre research in British India in the early twentieth century established his credentials as a medical researcher. It argues that the recognition that McCarrison achieved in this field had more to do with the fact that his research was conducted in a colonial non-Western locale. McCarrison resisted the Iodine Deficiency Disease explanation for goitre and critiqued successful public health initiatives conducted in the USA and Switzerland that involved distributing iodised salt or iodine supplements to populations to prevent goitre outbreaks. Thus, he created a path dependency in British India for himself and other British researchers, as well as his junior and affiliated Indian researchers, which impeded effective public health initiatives to prevent goitre outbreaks in India.
本文考察了罗伯特·麦卡里森博士在二十世纪初英属印度的甲状腺研究如何确立了他作为医学研究者的资格。它认为,麦卡锡在这一领域获得的认可更多地与他的研究是在殖民地非西方地区进行的这一事实有关。麦卡锡反对碘缺乏症对甲状腺肿的解释,并批评在美国和瑞士进行的成功的公共卫生倡议,这些倡议包括向人群分发碘盐或碘补充剂,以防止甲状腺肿爆发。因此,他为自己和其他英国研究人员以及他的下级和附属印度研究人员在英属印度造成了一种路径依赖,这阻碍了有效的公共卫生倡议,以防止印度爆发甲状腺肿。
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引用次数: 0
Monopoly, Excise and the Salt Supply Conundrum in British India 垄断、消费税与英属印度的盐供应难题
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2247268
Neeta Sanghi
This paper relies on hitherto unexplored archival sources to understand the origin of differentiated systems for collecting salt revenue in different regions of colonial India. It finds that the government’s salt policies, both reactive and proactive, established its control over salt sources and supply, which resulted in higher revenue, replaced indigenous salt with British salt in Bengal and stifled the salt industry in many regions. In the process, salt, an everyday condiment, was transformed into a source of revenue, then into a commodity and, finally, into a political tool in the hands of the government and Indians.
本文依靠迄今未开发的档案资源来了解印度殖民地不同地区征收盐税的不同制度的起源。报告发现,政府的盐政策,无论是被动的还是主动的,都建立了对盐来源和供应的控制,这导致了更高的收入,在孟加拉用英国盐取代了本地盐,并扼杀了许多地区的盐业。在这个过程中,盐从一种日常调味品变成了一种收入来源,然后变成了一种商品,最后变成了政府和印度人手中的政治工具。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
South Asia-Journal of South Asian Studies
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