哈萨克斯坦多媒介外交政策如何运作:联合国大会分析中的投票

Roman A. Yuneman
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引用次数: 0

摘要

多媒介主义的概念是哈萨克斯坦共和国外交政策战略的基础。多媒介主义也是哈萨克斯坦在国际组织和一体化机构中执行外交政策的框架。然而,这方面的外交政策在联合国大会内的执行情况尚未得到研究。为了检验多向量主义的概念,作者分析了哈萨克斯坦与俄罗斯、中国、美国、土耳其和德国在2007-2022年联合国大会上的投票凝聚力。作者还研究了哈萨克斯坦在与这些国家投票相反的情况下的行为。除其他外,本文分析了哈萨克斯坦和其他有关国家在裁军、非殖民化、人权、发展问题、武装冲突等特定议题上的投票凝聚力,以及哈萨克斯坦在涉及俄罗斯联邦的武装冲突的关键决议上的投票模式。通过对1300多项决议的定量和定性分析,作者得出结论,哈萨克斯坦外交政策的主要“载体”是中国。不是俄罗斯,尽管俄罗斯正式享有哈萨克斯坦宣布的关键盟友的地位。哈萨克斯坦与中国的投票凝聚力最高(与俄罗斯、土耳其和德国的投票凝聚力较低,与美国的投票凝聚力最低)。此外,当中国和其他审议国相互投反对票时,哈萨克斯坦的投票更多地符合中国的立场。发件人认为,哈萨克斯坦也避免明确支持俄罗斯联邦对涉及俄罗斯的武装冲突的决议进行表决。这进一步表现在哈萨克斯坦共和国对有关乌克兰冲突的决议进行表决。然而,中国和哈萨克斯坦在联大投票中具有高度凝聚力的原因还需要进一步研究。
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How Kazakhstani Multi-Vector Foreign Policy Works: Voting in UNGA Analysis
The concept of multivectorism is the basis of the foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Multivectorism is also the framework within which Kazakhstan carries out its foreign policy in international organizations and integrational institutions. However, the implementation of this aspect of its foreign policy within the UN General Assembly has not yet been studied. To examine the concept of multivectorism, the author analyzes Kazakhstan’s voting cohesion with Russia, China, the USA, Turkey, and Germany in the UNGA from 2007-2022. The author also studies Kazakhstan’s behavior in situations where it voted opposite the way these countries voted. This article analyzes, among other things, the voting cohesion of Kazakhstan and the other countries in question on particular topics, such as disarmament, decolonization, human rights, development issues, armed conflicts, etc., as well as Kazakhstan voting patterns on key resolutions relating to armed conflicts involving the Russian Federation. As a result of quantitative and qualitative analysis of more than 1300 resolutions, the author comes to the conclusion that the main “vector” of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy is China. Not Russia, despite Russia formally enjoying the status of Kazakhstan’s declared key ally. Kazakhstan shares the highest voting cohesion with China (to a lesser extent with Russia, Turkey, and Germany, and only minimally with the United States). Moreover, when China and the other countries under examination vote in opposition to one another, Kazakhstan’s votes were more often in accordance with the Chinese position. The author argues that Kazakhstan also avoids explicit support for the Russian Federation in voting on resolutions related to armed conflicts involving Russia. This is further manifested in the Republic of Kazakhstan’s voting on resolutions related to the conflict in Ukraine. However, the reasons for the high level of voting cohesion between China and Kazakhstan in the UNGA require further research.
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