Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-05
Timur Alyev, E. Stoyanova, E. Chimiris
Authors’ Guidelines Peer Reviewing Publishing ethics Subscription News and Announcements Manuscript requirements Contacts ISSN (Print) 1996-7845 ISSN (Online) 2542-2081 Contacts: Postal address: 20, Myasnitskaya str., Moscow, Russia 101000 National Research University Higher School of Economics International Organisations Research Journal (IORJ) editors office Actual address: office 110, 47/7, bld. 1 Bolshaya Ordynka, Moscow Tel.: +7 495 772-95-90 ext. 23147 E-mail: iorj@hse.ru Indexed in Search text Отправить the website and texts of articles by authors by title (or part of title) by keyword Timur Alyev 1, Elena Stoyanova2, Ekaterina Chimiris2 1 VAVT, 6A Vorob'evskoe shosse, Moscow, 119285, Russia 2 VAVT, 6A Vorob'evskoe shosse, Moscow, 119285, Russia Integration Strategies of the Post-Soviet Countries – Analysis Using the Social Graph Approach 2023. Vol. 18. No. 1. P. 127–150 [issue contents] In connection with the current trends restructuring the global world order, the task of creating regional zones of trust, including in the format of integration trade associations between states, is coming to the fore. These trends play an important role in the foreign policy of states, including Russia. In this regard, this article analyzes the strategies of the states of the post-Soviet space in relation to regional economic integration. The article uses the method of constructing a social graph. Data on the concluded regional trade agreements between the states of the post-Soviet bloc with trading partners was analyzed. The model was also tested and compared against data on value chains and investment flows. Based on this analysis, a model for the distribution of countries' strategies for regional economic integration was created along two parameters: active/passive and centrifugal/centripetal. Four variants of strategies were identified: active centrifugal, active centripetal, passive centrifugal, and passive centripetal. The article presents the results of checking the obtained model and draws conclusions regarding the prospects for the development of regional economic integration in the post-Soviet space.
{"title":"Integration Strategies of the Post-Soviet Countries – Analysis Using the Social Graph Approach","authors":"Timur Alyev, E. Stoyanova, E. Chimiris","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-05","url":null,"abstract":"Authors’ Guidelines Peer Reviewing Publishing ethics Subscription News and Announcements Manuscript requirements Contacts ISSN (Print) 1996-7845 ISSN (Online) 2542-2081 Contacts: Postal address: 20, Myasnitskaya str., Moscow, Russia 101000 National Research University Higher School of Economics International Organisations Research Journal (IORJ) editors office Actual address: office 110, 47/7, bld. 1 Bolshaya Ordynka, Moscow Tel.: +7 495 772-95-90 ext. 23147 E-mail: iorj@hse.ru Indexed in Search text Отправить the website and texts of articles by authors by title (or part of title) by keyword Timur Alyev 1, Elena Stoyanova2, Ekaterina Chimiris2 1 VAVT, 6A Vorob'evskoe shosse, Moscow, 119285, Russia 2 VAVT, 6A Vorob'evskoe shosse, Moscow, 119285, Russia Integration Strategies of the Post-Soviet Countries – Analysis Using the Social Graph Approach 2023. Vol. 18. No. 1. P. 127–150 [issue contents] In connection with the current trends restructuring the global world order, the task of creating regional zones of trust, including in the format of integration trade associations between states, is coming to the fore. These trends play an important role in the foreign policy of states, including Russia. In this regard, this article analyzes the strategies of the states of the post-Soviet space in relation to regional economic integration. The article uses the method of constructing a social graph. Data on the concluded regional trade agreements between the states of the post-Soviet bloc with trading partners was analyzed. The model was also tested and compared against data on value chains and investment flows. Based on this analysis, a model for the distribution of countries' strategies for regional economic integration was created along two parameters: active/passive and centrifugal/centripetal. Four variants of strategies were identified: active centrifugal, active centripetal, passive centrifugal, and passive centripetal. The article presents the results of checking the obtained model and draws conclusions regarding the prospects for the development of regional economic integration in the post-Soviet space.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43973140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-09
P. Levakov, V. Barinova, A. Polbin
One of the key challenges of modern times is climate change, which is occurring at an unprecedented pace. This phenomenon also affects the financial system through increased risks. In response to rising financial risks, central banks around the world are becoming more involved in climate policy. Within the framework of this article an analysis based on modern scientific literature is made to evaluate the participation of central banks in preventing climate change and stabilizing the financial system, as well as to assess the effectiveness of their policies. The article identifies potential connections between global warming on the financial system and evaluates this relationship based on the analysis of empirical evidence and mathematical models. In addition, the role of central banks in attracting green investments is estimated. The reaction of central banks to climate change and the destabilization of the financial system in developed and developing countries is considered within the article; in particular, the difference between the instruments used is analyzed. It is concluded that, currently, a more active climate policy is being pursued by the central banks of the developing countries. Finally, based on the analysis of international practices, recommendations are made for the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, as it is exposed to significant transitional climate risks. The key recommendations include the need to differentiate the value of collateral assets and regulatory requirements for the structure of financial institutions' asset portfolios, depending on the risk of a decrease in their value due to the global community's fight against global warming and climate change.
{"title":"Climate Risks and Financial Stability: The Role of Central Banks and Implications for Russia","authors":"P. Levakov, V. Barinova, A. Polbin","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-09","url":null,"abstract":"One of the key challenges of modern times is climate change, which is occurring at an unprecedented pace. This phenomenon also affects the financial system through increased risks. In response to rising financial risks, central banks around the world are becoming more involved in climate policy. Within the framework of this article an analysis based on modern scientific literature is made to evaluate the participation of central banks in preventing climate change and stabilizing the financial system, as well as to assess the effectiveness of their policies. The article identifies potential connections between global warming on the financial system and evaluates this relationship based on the analysis of empirical evidence and mathematical models. In addition, the role of central banks in attracting green investments is estimated. The reaction of central banks to climate change and the destabilization of the financial system in developed and developing countries is considered within the article; in particular, the difference between the instruments used is analyzed. It is concluded that, currently, a more active climate policy is being pursued by the central banks of the developing countries. Finally, based on the analysis of international practices, recommendations are made for the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, as it is exposed to significant transitional climate risks. The key recommendations include the need to differentiate the value of collateral assets and regulatory requirements for the structure of financial institutions' asset portfolios, depending on the risk of a decrease in their value due to the global community's fight against global warming and climate change.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43642252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-04
O. Biryukova
Trade in audiovisual services is both aimed at economic purposes and impacts social values of host countries. That is why this sphere has traditionally been one of the most difficult issues in the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations and an area of opposed approaches of the US and the EU. The author demonstrates that measures related to cultural policy can inherently shape protectionist trade barriers for support of national companies. Rapid development of technology has expanded the possibilities for the transmission and distribution of audio and visual content. At the same time, existing multilateral trade rules as well as applied classification for audiovisual services are becoming increasingly irrelevant. The article concludes that, on the one hand, the growing market for audiovisual services requires more precise rules for its cross-border trade, on the other hand, the trend towards the formation of regional blocks with specific regulations complicates negotiations (or even common understanding) on the rules for trade in audiovisual services under the WTO.
{"title":"Why multilateralism is losing ground in audiovisual services in the WTO","authors":"O. Biryukova","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-04","url":null,"abstract":"Trade in audiovisual services is both aimed at economic purposes and impacts social values of host countries. That is why this sphere has traditionally been one of the most difficult issues in the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations and an area of opposed approaches of the US and the EU. The author demonstrates that measures related to cultural policy can inherently shape protectionist trade barriers for support of national companies. Rapid development of technology has expanded the possibilities for the transmission and distribution of audio and visual content. At the same time, existing multilateral trade rules as well as applied classification for audiovisual services are becoming increasingly irrelevant. The article concludes that, on the one hand, the growing market for audiovisual services requires more precise rules for its cross-border trade, on the other hand, the trend towards the formation of regional blocks with specific regulations complicates negotiations (or even common understanding) on the rules for trade in audiovisual services under the WTO.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42807723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-07
Yao N. Adu, A. Mezyaev
In recent decades, Mali has faced an unprecedented political and economic crisis due to coups, terrorist and separatist threats, and international sanctions. The role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as a subregional organization involved in the management of the Malian conflict is paramount. However, the influence of France in decision-making in the context of sanctions imposed on Mali by ECOWAS affected the authority of the West African organization. The role of France as a former colonial power in this crisis is indisputable in the context of its geopolitical engagement with its former colonies in Africa and particularly in West Africa. This article analyzes the course of the crisis, the role of the actors involved (ECOWAS, Mali, and France), and the political and legal scopes of the crisis. On the basis of structural, qualitative, and quantitative methods of assessment and comparative analyses of the ECOWAS Authority’s decisions, their legal and political meanings, the political situation on the ground, the history of conflict management in neighbouring countries such as Cote d’Ivoire and other West African states by ECOWAS, the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), and the role of France in the crisis, the authors conclude that the ECOWAS Authority has played an important role in restoring political order in Mali. However, the authors note the failure of the Authority to reach a political agreement. Moreover, the authors agree that the ECOWAS Authority has reacted ultra vires to the Malian crisis vis-a-vis the power that is conferred by the ECOWAS instruments. And, the Authority’s blunder was not without French interference.
{"title":"The Conflict Between ECOWAS and Mali: International Legal and Political Aspects","authors":"Yao N. Adu, A. Mezyaev","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-07","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, Mali has faced an unprecedented political and economic crisis due to coups, terrorist and separatist threats, and international sanctions. The role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as a subregional organization involved in the management of the Malian conflict is paramount. However, the influence of France in decision-making in the context of sanctions imposed on Mali by ECOWAS affected the authority of the West African organization. The role of France as a former colonial power in this crisis is indisputable in the context of its geopolitical engagement with its former colonies in Africa and particularly in West Africa. This article analyzes the course of the crisis, the role of the actors involved (ECOWAS, Mali, and France), and the political and legal scopes of the crisis. On the basis of structural, qualitative, and quantitative methods of assessment and comparative analyses of the ECOWAS Authority’s decisions, their legal and political meanings, the political situation on the ground, the history of conflict management in neighbouring countries such as Cote d’Ivoire and other West African states by ECOWAS, the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), and the role of France in the crisis, the authors conclude that the ECOWAS Authority has played an important role in restoring political order in Mali. However, the authors note the failure of the Authority to reach a political agreement. Moreover, the authors agree that the ECOWAS Authority has reacted ultra vires to the Malian crisis vis-a-vis the power that is conferred by the ECOWAS instruments. And, the Authority’s blunder was not without French interference.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43720073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-01
M. Larionova, Andrei Shelepov
Data is an infinite resource, a new form of capital in the knowledge economy. In absence of data regulation, global technological corporations seek to expand their influence at each link in data chains and use their market power to build monopolies. Data can generate not only profits for tech giants but also social value; however, market forces by themselves will not create data-based public goods. For this, government actions are needed at the county level, and interstate and multilateral institutional cooperation is required at the international level. To date, despite numerous initiatives to establish coordination mechanisms and data regulation, cooperation on data governance is highly fragmented and gridlocked due to contradictions and tough competition between players. One of the key disagreements is related to the regulation of cross-border data flows. The article explores contradictions between the regulatory practices of the central actors in the digital economy, the U.S., the European Union (EU) and China in the first place, and the approaches they promote in international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Group of G20 (G20), the Group of 7 (G7), and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In particular, the authors look at the G20’s agenda on data governance and the initiative on free data flow with trust and consider its challenges and the risks of cooperation stagnation. The conclusion presents possible scenarios for future cooperation on data governance, their risks and perspectives, including the establishment of the Digital Economy and Data Governance Board by the G20, the G7’s initiative on shaping global digital order, deepening of cooperation on data governance within the G7 and the OECD, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) proposal on building a multilevel, distributed polycentric data-governance model with the UN playing a central role. The authors conclude with a proposal on cooperation within BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) aimed at shaping inclusive multilateral data governance.
{"title":"Opportunities and Constraints for G20 Leadership in Data Governance: Is There a Chance for Convergence in Approaches?","authors":"M. Larionova, Andrei Shelepov","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-01","url":null,"abstract":"Data is an infinite resource, a new form of capital in the knowledge economy. In absence of data regulation, global technological corporations seek to expand their influence at each link in data chains and use their market power to build monopolies. Data can generate not only profits for tech giants but also social value; however, market forces by themselves will not create data-based public goods. For this, government actions are needed at the county level, and interstate and multilateral institutional cooperation is required at the international level. To date, despite numerous initiatives to establish coordination mechanisms and data regulation, cooperation on data governance is highly fragmented and gridlocked due to contradictions and tough competition between players. One of the key disagreements is related to the regulation of cross-border data flows. The article explores contradictions between the regulatory practices of the central actors in the digital economy, the U.S., the European Union (EU) and China in the first place, and the approaches they promote in international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Group of G20 (G20), the Group of 7 (G7), and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In particular, the authors look at the G20’s agenda on data governance and the initiative on free data flow with trust and consider its challenges and the risks of cooperation stagnation. The conclusion presents possible scenarios for future cooperation on data governance, their risks and perspectives, including the establishment of the Digital Economy and Data Governance Board by the G20, the G7’s initiative on shaping global digital order, deepening of cooperation on data governance within the G7 and the OECD, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) proposal on building a multilevel, distributed polycentric data-governance model with the UN playing a central role. The authors conclude with a proposal on cooperation within BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) aimed at shaping inclusive multilateral data governance.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49279917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-08
I. Popova
The concept of a "climate club" has been presented by researchers as an attempt to ensure progress in the achievement of the Paris goals through the adoption of more ambitious targets and restrictive measures, including carbon pricing, by a group of countries, preferably those responsible for a larger share of global greenhouse gas emissions. Theoretical models are virtually impossible to implement in practice, so attempts have been made to develop club configurations that take into account political, economic and institutional realities. Based on this body of work, the first concepts of clubs that can be realistically implemented are presented. They differ in terms of membership conditions, levels of policy harmonization, ambitions of goals, and ways to punish free riders. Attempts to take into account the interests of countries with different levels of development and strength of climate policy, as well as willingness to introduce new restrictive measures, lead to weakening of the institutional structure and reduction of efficiency. However, some aspects of cooperation can still be developed to ensure the reduction of emissions, harmonization of standards being one of them
{"title":"Transformation of the “Climate Club” Concept: From Theory to Practice (Review)","authors":"I. Popova","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-08","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of a \"climate club\" has been presented by researchers as an attempt to ensure progress in the achievement of the Paris goals through the adoption of more ambitious targets and restrictive measures, including carbon pricing, by a group of countries, preferably those responsible for a larger share of global greenhouse gas emissions. Theoretical models are virtually impossible to implement in practice, so attempts have been made to develop club configurations that take into account political, economic and institutional realities. Based on this body of work, the first concepts of clubs that can be realistically implemented are presented. They differ in terms of membership conditions, levels of policy harmonization, ambitions of goals, and ways to punish free riders. Attempts to take into account the interests of countries with different levels of development and strength of climate policy, as well as willingness to introduce new restrictive measures, lead to weakening of the institutional structure and reduction of efficiency. However, some aspects of cooperation can still be developed to ensure the reduction of emissions, harmonization of standards being one of them","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42605719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-03
A. Sakharov, Ksenia Dorokhina
This article discusses the results of the study on the formation of the BRICS Sustainable Development Index. The authors describe the methodology of the index, the indicator selection process, and methodological problems and challenges, and also provide a detailed analysis of the dynamics of sustainable development goal (SDG) indicators for the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) in 2015–20. The results of the study indicate both the overall progress of the BRICS countries toward SDG implementation and the presence of negative trends in a number of areas and for some countries. For 53 of the 64 indicators selected for the analysis, positive trends were recorded, on average, across BRICS. Nevertheless, the index identified several negative trends across a number of issue areas for individual states and for the group as a whole. These trends include: an increase in the average prevalence of malnutrition, an increase in the number of people in need of treatment for tropical diseases, increasing pressure on water ecosystems in the BRICS countries amid a decrease in their area, a decrease in the share of research and development expenditures of gross national product (GDP), and a decline in biodiversity indicators.
{"title":"BRICS Sustainable Development Index: the Results","authors":"A. Sakharov, Ksenia Dorokhina","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-03","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the results of the study on the formation of the BRICS Sustainable Development Index. The authors describe the methodology of the index, the indicator selection process, and methodological problems and challenges, and also provide a detailed analysis of the dynamics of sustainable development goal (SDG) indicators for the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) in 2015–20. The results of the study indicate both the overall progress of the BRICS countries toward SDG implementation and the presence of negative trends in a number of areas and for some countries. For 53 of the 64 indicators selected for the analysis, positive trends were recorded, on average, across BRICS. Nevertheless, the index identified several negative trends across a number of issue areas for individual states and for the group as a whole. These trends include: an increase in the average prevalence of malnutrition, an increase in the number of people in need of treatment for tropical diseases, increasing pressure on water ecosystems in the BRICS countries amid a decrease in their area, a decrease in the share of research and development expenditures of gross national product (GDP), and a decline in biodiversity indicators.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45809760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-06
Roman A. Yuneman
The concept of multivectorism is the basis of the foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Multivectorism is also the framework within which Kazakhstan carries out its foreign policy in international organizations and integrational institutions. However, the implementation of this aspect of its foreign policy within the UN General Assembly has not yet been studied. To examine the concept of multivectorism, the author analyzes Kazakhstan’s voting cohesion with Russia, China, the USA, Turkey, and Germany in the UNGA from 2007-2022. The author also studies Kazakhstan’s behavior in situations where it voted opposite the way these countries voted. This article analyzes, among other things, the voting cohesion of Kazakhstan and the other countries in question on particular topics, such as disarmament, decolonization, human rights, development issues, armed conflicts, etc., as well as Kazakhstan voting patterns on key resolutions relating to armed conflicts involving the Russian Federation. As a result of quantitative and qualitative analysis of more than 1300 resolutions, the author comes to the conclusion that the main “vector” of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy is China. Not Russia, despite Russia formally enjoying the status of Kazakhstan’s declared key ally. Kazakhstan shares the highest voting cohesion with China (to a lesser extent with Russia, Turkey, and Germany, and only minimally with the United States). Moreover, when China and the other countries under examination vote in opposition to one another, Kazakhstan’s votes were more often in accordance with the Chinese position. The author argues that Kazakhstan also avoids explicit support for the Russian Federation in voting on resolutions related to armed conflicts involving Russia. This is further manifested in the Republic of Kazakhstan’s voting on resolutions related to the conflict in Ukraine. However, the reasons for the high level of voting cohesion between China and Kazakhstan in the UNGA require further research.
{"title":"How Kazakhstani Multi-Vector Foreign Policy Works: Voting in UNGA Analysis","authors":"Roman A. Yuneman","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-06","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of multivectorism is the basis of the foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Multivectorism is also the framework within which Kazakhstan carries out its foreign policy in international organizations and integrational institutions. However, the implementation of this aspect of its foreign policy within the UN General Assembly has not yet been studied. To examine the concept of multivectorism, the author analyzes Kazakhstan’s voting cohesion with Russia, China, the USA, Turkey, and Germany in the UNGA from 2007-2022. The author also studies Kazakhstan’s behavior in situations where it voted opposite the way these countries voted. This article analyzes, among other things, the voting cohesion of Kazakhstan and the other countries in question on particular topics, such as disarmament, decolonization, human rights, development issues, armed conflicts, etc., as well as Kazakhstan voting patterns on key resolutions relating to armed conflicts involving the Russian Federation. As a result of quantitative and qualitative analysis of more than 1300 resolutions, the author comes to the conclusion that the main “vector” of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy is China. Not Russia, despite Russia formally enjoying the status of Kazakhstan’s declared key ally. Kazakhstan shares the highest voting cohesion with China (to a lesser extent with Russia, Turkey, and Germany, and only minimally with the United States). Moreover, when China and the other countries under examination vote in opposition to one another, Kazakhstan’s votes were more often in accordance with the Chinese position. The author argues that Kazakhstan also avoids explicit support for the Russian Federation in voting on resolutions related to armed conflicts involving Russia. This is further manifested in the Republic of Kazakhstan’s voting on resolutions related to the conflict in Ukraine. However, the reasons for the high level of voting cohesion between China and Kazakhstan in the UNGA require further research.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44967323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-02
M. Larionova
The 2022 Indonesian presidency was a critical juncture in the history of the Group of 20 (G20). Indonesia took over the presidency at a time when surging tensions between the U.S., China and Russiaimpeded concerted action by the G20 essential to secure sustainable and equitable recovery and long-term growth. Following the launch of the special military operation in Ukraine, the Group of 7 (G7) put immense pressure on the presidency to expel Russia from G20 activities. Emerging market countries wanted Russia to remain a member and regarded the pressure as an effort to enhance the G7’s dominance in the forum’s decision-making. Their choice was in favour of the G20, which can cooperate as an institute equally owned by emerging market and advanced countries, thus driving reform and restoring multilateralism. The G20 was deeply split. The presidency managed to save the agenda and ensured that the G20 remained a premier forum of cooperation between advanced and emerging economies in which the voice of the emerging economies at the negotiating table was strong and pluralism prevailed. This article analyses how the G20 survived the crisis activated by exogeneous and endogenous shocks in 2022 and whether and how it transformed in the course of this critical juncture. The article presents a qualitative case study of G20 dynamics in 2022, tracing interactions of the interdependent variables—actors, institutions, and agendas. The study applies a systemic process analysis and content analysis of the key actors’ narratives. The article starts with a review of the G20’s state-of play at the Indonesian presidency’s takeover from Italy and examines the new presidency’s agenda. It then outlines the main challenges the world and the G20 faced in early 2022, just before the eruption of the crisis. It goes on to explore the tensions within the G20, the roles played by the presidency, the G7, and the BRICS group formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The author focuses on the endeavor by Joko Widodo’s team to steer the G20 through the external pressures and internal confrontations, forge collective decisions on the presidency’s priorities, save the institution as a catalyst for global economic recovery, and advance an agenda that would respond to developing countries’ interests. It concludes by summing up variables affecting the G20’s performance and development in 2022 and the causes of its resilience.
{"title":"G20 at the Critical Juncture. Indonesia’s 2022 Presidency: Internal and External Shocks, Risks of Power Rebalancing and Eventual Demise, Causes of Resilience and Re-Equilibrium","authors":"M. Larionova","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-02","url":null,"abstract":"The 2022 Indonesian presidency was a critical juncture in the history of the Group of 20 (G20). Indonesia took over the presidency at a time when surging tensions between the U.S., China and Russiaimpeded concerted action by the G20 essential to secure sustainable and equitable recovery and long-term growth. Following the launch of the special military operation in Ukraine, the Group of 7 (G7) put immense pressure on the presidency to expel Russia from G20 activities. Emerging market countries wanted Russia to remain a member and regarded the pressure as an effort to enhance the G7’s dominance in the forum’s decision-making. Their choice was in favour of the G20, which can cooperate as an institute equally owned by emerging market and advanced countries, thus driving reform and restoring multilateralism. The G20 was deeply split. The presidency managed to save the agenda and ensured that the G20 remained a premier forum of cooperation between advanced and emerging economies in which the voice of the emerging economies at the negotiating table was strong and pluralism prevailed. This article analyses how the G20 survived the crisis activated by exogeneous and endogenous shocks in 2022 and whether and how it transformed in the course of this critical juncture. The article presents a qualitative case study of G20 dynamics in 2022, tracing interactions of the interdependent variables—actors, institutions, and agendas. The study applies a systemic process analysis and content analysis of the key actors’ narratives. The article starts with a review of the G20’s state-of play at the Indonesian presidency’s takeover from Italy and examines the new presidency’s agenda. It then outlines the main challenges the world and the G20 faced in early 2022, just before the eruption of the crisis. It goes on to explore the tensions within the G20, the roles played by the presidency, the G7, and the BRICS group formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The author focuses on the endeavor by Joko Widodo’s team to steer the G20 through the external pressures and internal confrontations, forge collective decisions on the presidency’s priorities, save the institution as a catalyst for global economic recovery, and advance an agenda that would respond to developing countries’ interests. It concludes by summing up variables affecting the G20’s performance and development in 2022 and the causes of its resilience.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41384027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-10
R. Khalafyan
This review examines the results of the unique international study devoted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The project was carried out on the initiative of eminent Russian specialists and covers the period of the SCO’s formation, the search for new areas of cooperation, and promising fields of interaction among the participating countries. The authors (including lawyers and economists) assess the current state of this regional organization and its future, which allows us to form a quite complete understanding of the SCO and the emerging directions of its development. The monograph was produced by a reputable foreign publishing house, reflecting an attention to regionalization that is especially noticeable against the background of the slowing processes of legal regulation at the universal level in recent years. The monograph reveals the reasons for the states within the SCO to unite efforts for realization of their common interests, which are not limited to traditional cooperation in the field of security. The team of authors pays attention to the specifics of the legal systems of the member states and the relations between the countries, as well as the SCO’s successful responses to challenges in the field of labour and migration, energy, environmental protection, transport, and logistics links. Such an approach reflects the conditions of the national legal implementation of international obligations by SCO members. The main features of the Eurasian concept of human rights are formulated, the existence and significance of which is proclaimed. The study provides necessary diagrams, graphs, and tables. General scientific and special methods of cognition were used in this review to show the structure of the monograph, the individual conclusions of the authors, and proposals. The review offers conclusions about the gradual evolution of the SCO, the growth of the humanitarian component of its competence, and the existing contradictions between the potential of the organization and the results achieved.
{"title":"Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Reassessment of the Priorities Against the Background of Old Problems and New Challenges. Book Review: «The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Exploring New Horizons»","authors":"R. Khalafyan","doi":"10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-01-10","url":null,"abstract":"This review examines the results of the unique international study devoted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The project was carried out on the initiative of eminent Russian specialists and covers the period of the SCO’s formation, the search for new areas of cooperation, and promising fields of interaction among the participating countries. The authors (including lawyers and economists) assess the current state of this regional organization and its future, which allows us to form a quite complete understanding of the SCO and the emerging directions of its development. The monograph was produced by a reputable foreign publishing house, reflecting an attention to regionalization that is especially noticeable against the background of the slowing processes of legal regulation at the universal level in recent years. The monograph reveals the reasons for the states within the SCO to unite efforts for realization of their common interests, which are not limited to traditional cooperation in the field of security. The team of authors pays attention to the specifics of the legal systems of the member states and the relations between the countries, as well as the SCO’s successful responses to challenges in the field of labour and migration, energy, environmental protection, transport, and logistics links. Such an approach reflects the conditions of the national legal implementation of international obligations by SCO members. The main features of the Eurasian concept of human rights are formulated, the existence and significance of which is proclaimed. The study provides necessary diagrams, graphs, and tables. General scientific and special methods of cognition were used in this review to show the structure of the monograph, the individual conclusions of the authors, and proposals. The review offers conclusions about the gradual evolution of the SCO, the growth of the humanitarian component of its competence, and the existing contradictions between the potential of the organization and the results achieved.","PeriodicalId":42976,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Mezhdunarodnykh Organizatsii-International Organisations Research Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43225207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：